At one time, the RSDLP (Russian Social Democratic Labor Party), formed in 1989 at the Minsk Congress, suffered extremely unpleasant and numerous losses. Production was dying, the crisis completely engulfed the organization, forcing society in 1903 at the Second Congress in Brussels to split into two opposing groups. Lenin and Martov did not agree with the views of the membership management, so they themselves became leaders of associations, which later served as the reason for the formation of the abbreviations in the form of a small letter "b" and "m".
The history of the Bolsheviks is still covered in some mysteries and secrets, but today we have the opportunity to at least partially find out what happened during the collapse of the RSDLP.
What caused the discord?
It is impossible to find out in history the exact cause of the events that occurred. Official version split of the RSDLP there was a disagreement between the two sides regarding the solution of important organizational issues that were raised during the fight against the monarchical system of government and foundations. Both Lenin and Martov agreed that internal changes in Russia required a network of worldwide proletarian revolutions, especially in well-developed countries. In this case, you can only count on a wave of uprisings both in your native state and in countries that are lower in ranking. social level.
Despite the fact that the two sides had the same goal, the disagreement lay in the method of obtaining what was desired. Yuliy Osipovich Martov advocated ideas European countries, based on legal ways of obtaining power and rule. While Vladimir Ilyich argued that only through active actions and terror can one gain influence on the Russian state.
Differences between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks:
- closed organization with strict discipline;
- opposed democratic conditions.
Menshevik differences:
- were guided by the experience of Western rule and supported the democratic foundations of society;
- agrarian reforms.
In the end, Martov won the discussion, calling everyone to an underground and quiet struggle, which served to split the organization. Lenin called his people Bolsheviks, and Yuliy Osipovich made concessions, agreeing to the name “Mensheviks.” Many believe that this was his mistake, since the word Bolsheviks caused people associations with something powerful and huge. While the Mensheviks were not taken seriously because of considerations of something small and hardly so impressive.
It is unlikely that terms like “commercial brand”, “marketing” and “advertising” existed in those years. But only the ingenious name of the group that was invented led to popularity in narrow circles and obtaining the status of a trusted organization. Vladimir Ilyich’s talent, of course, manifested itself in those very moments when, with unpretentious and simple slogans, he was able to offer ordinary people outdated ones since the time of the French Revolution ideas of equality and brotherhood.
People were impressed by the big words promoted by the Bolsheviks, the symbols that inspired strength and radicalism - the five-pointed star, sickle and hammer with red in the background immediately fell in love with a large number of residents Russian state.
Where did the money for the activities of the Bolsheviks come from?
When the organization split into several groups, there was an urgent need to raise additional finances to support their revolution. And the methods of obtaining the necessary money also differed between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. The difference between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks in this regard was their more radical and illegal actions.
If the Mensheviks came to the idea of a membership fee for the organization, then the Bolsheviks were not limited only to the contribution of participants, they did not disdain bank robberies. For example, in 1907, one of these operations brought the Bolsheviks more than two hundred and fifty thousand rubles, which greatly outraged the Mensheviks. Unfortunately, Lenin regularly carried out a large number of similar crimes.
But the revolution was not the only waste for the Bolshevik party. Vladimir Ilyich was deeply convinced that only people who are completely passionate about their work can bring good results coup. This meant that the Bolshevik staff had to receive a guaranteed salary so that workers could perform their duties all day long. Compensation in the form of monetary incentives supporters of radical views really liked it, so in a short period of time the party’s size increased noticeably, and the wing’s activities noticeably improved in quality.
In addition, significant expenses came from printing brochures and leaflets, which party accomplices tried to spread throughout the state in various cities at strikes and rallies. This also reveals a characteristic difference between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, since their funding went to completely different needs.
The ideas of the two parties became so different from each other and even contradictory that Martov’s followers decided not to take part in the Third Party Congress of the RSDLP. It took place in 1905 in England. Despite the fact that some Mensheviks took part in the First Russian Revolution, Martov still did not support armed uprisings.
Bolshevik ideas and principles
It seemed that people with such radical and significantly different views from democratic and liberal views could not have principles. The first time one could notice ideological glimpses and human morality in Lenin was before the outbreak of the First World War. At that time, the party leader lived in Austria and at the next meeting in Bern, he expressed his opinion about the brewing conflict.
Vladimir Ilyich is happy spoke out strongly against the war and everyone who supports it, since in this way they betrayed the proletariat. Therefore, Lenin was very surprised when it turned out that the majority of socialists supported military activity. The party leader tried to prevent a split between people and was very afraid of the Civil War.
Lenin used all his perseverance and self-organization so as not to relax discipline in the party. Another difference can be considered that the Bolsheviks went to their goals by any means. Therefore, sometimes Lenin could renounce his political or moral views for the good of his party. Similar schemes were often used by him to attract new people, especially among the poor layer of citizens. Sweet words about how their lives would improve after the revolution forced people to join the party.
U modern society Naturally, there is a lot of misunderstanding about who the Bolsheviks are. Some people present them as deceivers who were ready to make any sacrifice to achieve their goals. Someone saw them as heroes who worked hard for the prosperity of the Russian state and the creation better conditions life for ordinary people. In any case, the first thing to remember is the organization that wanted remove all ruling officials and put new people in their places.
Under slogans, beautiful brochures and promises that offered ordinary people to completely change the conditions of their lives - their faith in own strength was so large that they easily received support from citizens.
The Bolsheviks were an organization of communists. In addition, they received part of the funding from German sponsors who benefited from Russia's withdrawal from the war. This significant amount helped the party develop in terms of advertising and PR.
It is worth understanding that in political science it is customary to call some organizations right or left. The left stands for social equality, and the Bolsheviks belonged to them.
Dispute at the Stockholm Congress
In Stockholm in In 1906 there was a congress of the RSDLP, where it was decided by the leaders of the two groups to try to find compromises in their judgments and meet each other halfway. It was clear that the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks had many tempting offers for each side, and everyone benefited from this cooperation. At first it seemed that everything was going well, and soon they even planned to celebrate the mutual rapprochement of the two rival parties. However, one issue that was on the agenda created some differences between the leaders and a debate began. The issue that caused Lenin and Martov to argue concerned the possibility of people joining parties and their contribution to the work of the organization.
- Vladimir Ilyich believed that only full-fledged work and a person’s dedication to the cause could produce noticeable and significant results, while the Mensheviks rejected this idea.
- Martov was sure that ideas and consciousness alone were enough for a person to be part of the party.
On the surface this question seems simple. Even without reaching agreement, it is unlikely that it can do much harm. However, behind this formulation one could discern the hidden meaning of the opinion of each of the party leaders. Lenin wanted an organization with a clear structure and hierarchy. He insisted on strict discipline and abandonment, which turned the party into something like an army. Martov lowered everything to the simple intelligentsia. After the vote was held, it was decided that Lenin's proposal would be used. In history, this meant the victory of the Bolsheviks.
The Mensheviks gaining political power and initiative
The February Revolution made the state weak. While all organizations and political parties were moving away from the coup, the Mensheviks were able to quickly find their bearings and direct their energy in the right direction. Thus, after a short period of time, the Mensheviks became the most influential and visible in the state.
It is worth noting that the Bolshevik and Menshevik parties did not take part in this revolution, therefore the uprising was a surprise to them. Of course, both of them assumed such a result in their immediate plans, but when the situation occurred, the leaders showed some confusion and lack of understanding of what to do next. The Mensheviks were able to quickly cope with inaction, and 1917 became the time for them when they were able to register as a separate political force.
And although the Mensheviks experienced their best time Unfortunately, many of Martov's followers decided to go over to Lenin's side. The consignment lost its most prominent figures, finding themselves in the minority before the Bolsheviks.
In October 1917, the Bolsheviks carried out a coup. The Mensheviks extremely condemned such actions, trying in every possible way to achieve their former control over the state, but everything was already useless. The Mensheviks clearly lost. And besides this, some of their organizations and institutions were dissolved by orders of the new government.
When the political situation became more or less calm, the remaining Mensheviks had to join the new government. When the Bolsheviks gained a foothold in control and began to more actively lead the main political places, the persecution and struggle against political migrants of the former anti-Leninist wing began. Since 1919 it has been accepted decision to liquidate all former Mensheviks by shooting.
U modern man It is not for nothing that the word “Bolshevik” is associated with the bright symbolism of the proletariat “Hammer and Sickle”, since at one time they bribed a large number of ordinary people. It is now very difficult to answer the question of who the Bolsheviks are - heroes or swindlers. Everyone has their own point of view, and any opinion, whether supporting the policies of Lenin and the Bolsheviks or opposing the militant policies of communism, can be correct. It is worth remembering that this is all the history of our native state. Whether their actions are wrong or reckless, they still need to be known.
Having declared its creation at the Minsk congress of 1898, five years later it underwent a crisis, which became the reason for its division into two opposing groups. The leader of one of which was V.I. Lenin, and the other was Yu. O. Martov. This happened at the Second Party Congress, which began in Brussels and then continued in London. It was then that the small letter “b” enclosed in brackets appeared in the abbreviation of its most numerous wing.
Legal activity or terrorism?
The cause of the discord was differences in the approach to resolving key issues related to organizing the struggle against the monarchical system that existed in the country. Both Lenin and his opponent agreed that the proletarian revolution should be a worldwide process, which would begin in the most economically developed countries, and after that it could continue in other countries, including Russia.
The disagreement was that each of them had different ideas about the methods of political struggle aimed at preparing Russia for participation in the world revolution. Martov's supporters advocated exclusively for legal forms of political activity, while Leninists were supporters of terror.
Political Marketing Genius
As a result of the vote, adherents of the underground struggle won, and this was the reason for the division of the party. It was then that Lenin called his supporters Bolsheviks, and Martov agreed to call his followers Mensheviks. This, of course, was his fundamental mistake. Over the years, the idea of the Bolshevik Party as something powerful and large has strengthened in the minds of the masses, while the Mensheviks are something small and very dubious.
In those years, the modern term “commercial brand” did not yet exist, but this was precisely the name of the group, brilliantly invented by Lenin, which later became the leader in the market of parties in Russia that were warring with each other. His talent as a political marketer was also expressed in the fact that, using simple and intelligible slogans, he was able to “sell” to the broad masses the ideas of equality and fraternity that had been lying dormant since the time of the French Revolution. Of course, the extremely expressive symbols he invented - a five-pointed star, a sickle and a hammer, as well as the red corporate color that united everyone - were also a successful find.
Political struggle against the backdrop of the events of 1905
As a result different approach The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were so divided on methods of political activity that Martov’s followers refused to participate in the next party Third Congress of the RSDLP, held in 1905 in London. Nevertheless, many of them became active participants in the First Russian Revolution.
For example, their role in the events that unfolded on the battleship Potemkin is known. However, after the suppression of the unrest, the Menshevik leader Martov had a reason to speak out about the armed struggle as an empty and futile matter. In this opinion, he was supported by another of the founders of the RSDLP, G.V. Plekhanov.
During Russo-Japanese War The Bolsheviks made every effort to undermine Russia's military potential and, as a result, its defeat. They saw this as a way to create an environment most favorable for the subsequent revolution. In contrast, the Menshevik Party, although it condemned the war, categorically rejected the idea that freedom in the country could be the result of foreign intervention, especially from such an economically underdeveloped state at that time as Japan.
Debates at the Stockholm Congress
In 1906, the next congress of the RSDLP was held in Stockholm, at which the leaders of both opposing party groups, realizing the need for joint action, tried to determine ways to mutual rapprochement. In general, they succeeded, but nevertheless, no agreement was reached on one of the most important issues on the agenda.
It turned out to be a formulation that determined the possibility of its members belonging to the party. Lenin insisted on the concrete participation of each party member in the work of one or another primary organization. The Mensheviks did not consider this necessary; only assistance to the common cause was sufficient.
Behind the external and seemingly insignificant discrepancy in wording was hidden a deep meaning. If Lenin’s concept presupposed the creation of a combat structure that had a strict hierarchy, then the Menshevik leader reduced everything to an ordinary intellectual talking shop. As a result of the vote, the Leninist version was included in the party charter, which became another victory for the Bolsheviks.
Is robbery acceptable in the name of a brighter future?
Formally, after the Stockholm Congress, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks came to an agreement, but nevertheless hidden contradictions continued to remain. One of them was ways to replenish the party treasury. This issue received particular relevance due to the fact that the defeat of the armed uprising of 1905 forced many party members to emigrate abroad and there was an urgent need for money for their maintenance.
In connection with this, the Bolsheviks intensified their notorious expropriations of values, which were, simply put, robberies that brought them necessary funds. The Mensheviks considered this unacceptable and condemned it, but nevertheless they took the money very willingly.
L. D. Trotsky also added a considerable amount of fuel to the fire of discord, publishing the newspaper Pravda in Vienna and publishing openly anti-Leninist articles in it. Such publications, which regularly appeared on the pages of the main printed organ of the pariah, only aggravated mutual hostility, which especially manifested itself during the conference in August 1912.
Another escalation of contradictions
With the outbreak of the First World War, the joint party of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks entered a period of even more acute internal contradictions. The programs that its two wings put on were radically different from each other.
If the Leninists were ready to achieve the overthrow of the monarchy at the cost of defeat in the war and the accompanying national tragedy, then the Menshevik leader Martov, although he condemned the war, considered it the duty of the army to defend the sovereignty of Russia to the end.
His supporters also advocated a cessation of hostilities and a mutual withdrawal of troops “without annexations or indemnities.” The situation that developed after this, in their opinion, could be favorable for the start of a world revolution.
In a colorful kaleidoscope political life In those years, representatives of a wide variety of parties defended their points of view. Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, as well as representatives of other movements, replaced each other on the stands of spontaneously occurring rallies, trying to win over the masses to their side. Sometimes it was possible to do this by one or the other.
Political credo of the Mensheviks
The main provisions of the Menshevik policy boiled down to the following theses:
a) since the necessary preconditions have not developed in the country, seizing power at this stage is useless, only opposition struggle is advisable;
b) the victory of the proletarian revolution in Russia is possible only in the distant future, after its implementation in the countries Western Europe and USA;
c) in the fight against autocracy it is necessary to rely on the support of the liberal bourgeoisie, since its role in this process is extremely important;
d) since the peasantry in Russia, although numerous, is a backward class in its development, one cannot rely on it, and can only be used as an auxiliary force;
e) the main driving force of the revolution must be the proletariat;
f) the struggle can only be carried out through legal means, with a complete renunciation of terrorism.
The Mensheviks who became an independent political force
It should be admitted that neither the Bolsheviks nor the Mensheviks took part in the process of overthrowing the tsarist regime, and the bourgeois revolution took them, so to speak, by surprise. Despite the fact that it was the result of the political struggle, which they considered as a minimum program, both of them at first showed obvious confusion. The Mensheviks were the first to overcome it. As a result, 1917 became the stage at which they emerged as an independent political force.
Loss of political initiative by the Mensheviks
Despite the temporary rise, on the eve of the October revolution the Menshevik Party lost many of its prominent representatives, who left its ranks due to the vagueness of the program and the extreme indecisiveness of the leadership. The process of political migration reached particular intensity in the fall of 1917, when such authoritative Mensheviks as Y. Larin, L. Trotsky and G. Plekhanov joined the Leninist wing of the RSDLP.
In October 1917, supporters of the Leninist wing of the party carried out a coup d'etat. The Mensheviks characterized this as a usurpation of power and sharply condemned it, but they could no longer influence the course of events. They were clearly among the losers. To top off the troubles, the Bolsheviks dispersed the constituent Assembly. When did the events that took place in the country result in Civil War, then the right-wing Mensheviks, led by F.N. Potresov, V.N. Rozanov and V.O. Levitsky, joined the enemies of the new government.
Former comrades who became enemies
After the strengthening of the Bolshevik positions, achieved during the fight against the White Guard movement and foreign intervention, mass repressions began against people who had previously joined the anti-Leninist Menshevik wing of the RSDLP. Beginning in 1919, so-called purges were carried out in many cities across the country, as a result of which former party members classified as hostile elements were isolated and, in some cases, shot.
To many former Mensheviks I had to, as in tsarist times, seek refuge abroad. Those of them who were able to adapt to the new conditions and even occupy prominent positions in the structures of the new government were constantly faced with the threat of reprisals for the political mistakes of past years.
Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, until a certain point, were considered members of the same party - the RSDLP. The first officially declared their independence shortly before the October Revolution.
But the actual split of the RSDLP began 5 years after its formation.
What is the RSDLP?
Russian Social Democratic Labor Party in 1898 united many supporters of socialism.
It was formed in Minsk at a meeting of previously disparate political circles. G.V. Plekhanov played a major role in its creation.
Participants of the disintegrated “Land and Freedom” and “Black Redistribution” entered here. Members of the RSDLP considered their goal to be upholding the interests of workers, democracy, and helping the least affluent segments of the population. The basis of the ideology of this party was Marxism, the fight against tsarism and bureaucracy.
At the beginning of its existence, it was a relatively unified organization, not divided into factions. However, contradictions quickly emerged on many issues among the main leaders and their supporters. Some of the most prominent representatives of the party were V. I. Lenin, G. V. Plekhanov, Yu. O. Martov, L. V. Trotsky, P. B. Axelrod. Many of them were on the editorial board of the Iskra newspaper.
RSDLP: the formation of two currents
The collapse of the political union occurred in 1903, at Second Congress of Delegates. This event happened spontaneously and the reasons for it seemed minor to some, even to the point of disputes over several sentences in the documents.
In fact, the formation of factions was inevitable and had long been brewing due to the ambitions of some members of the RSDLP, especially Lenin, and the deep-seated contradictions within the movement itself.
There were several issues on the agenda of the congress, such as powers of the Bund(associations of Jewish Social Democrats), the composition of the editorial board of Iskra, the establishment of the Party Charter, the agrarian question and others.
Heated discussions took place on many aspects. Those gathered were divided on Lenin's supporters and those who supported Martov. The first were more determined, they promoted revolution, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the distribution of land to the peasants, and strict discipline within the organization. The Martovites were more moderate.
At first this resulted in lengthy discussions about the wording in the Charter, the attitude towards the Bund, towards the bourgeoisie. The congress lasted several weeks, and the discussions were so heated that many moderate Social Democrats left it on principle.
Largely thanks to this, those who supported Lenin found themselves in the majority and their proposals were accepted. Since then, Lenin called his like-minded people at the second congress of the RSDLP Bolsheviks, and the Martovites - Mensheviks.
The name “Bolsheviks” turned out to be successful, it stuck and began to be used in the official abbreviation of the faction. It was also beneficial from a propaganda point of view, since it created the illusion that Leninists were always in the majority, although this was often not true.
The name “Mensheviks” remained unofficial. Martov's supporters are still called themselves the RSDLP.
How do the Bolsheviks differ from the Mensheviks?
The main difference is in the methods of achieving goals. The Bolsheviks were more radical, resorted to terror, considered revolution the only way to overthrow the autocracy and the triumph of socialism. There were also other differences:
- There was a rigid organization in the Leninist faction. It accepted people who were ready for active struggle, and not just propaganda. Lenin tried to exterminate political competitors.
- The Bolsheviks sought to seize power, while the Mensheviks were cautious about this - an unsuccessful policy could compromise the party.
- The Mensheviks were inclined towards an alliance with the bourgeoisie and denied the transfer of all land into state ownership.
- The Mensheviks promoted changes in society through reforms, not revolution. At the same time, their slogans were not as convincing and understandable to the general population as the Bolsheviks.
- There were also differences between the two factions in their composition: the majority of the Marchers were skilled workers, petty bourgeois, students, and members of the intelligentsia. The Bolshevik wing largely included the poorest, revolutionary-minded people.
The further fate of the factions
After the Second Congress of the RSDLP political programs Leninists and Martovites were increasingly different from each other. Both factions participated in the revolution of 1905, and this event united the Leninists more, and divided the Mensheviks into several more groups.
After the creation of the Duma, a small number of Mensheviks were part of it. But this caused even greater damage to the faction's reputation. These people had little influence on decision-making, but responsibility for their consequences fell on their shoulders.
The Bolsheviks completely separated from the RSDLP in 1917, before the October Revolution. After the coup, the RSDLP opposed them with harsh methods, so persecution began against its members, many of them, for example Martov, went abroad.
Since the mid-20s of the last century, the Menshevik party has practically ceased to exist.
BOLSHEVIKS, a faction along with the Mensheviks within the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP); then a political party. Name “Bolsheviks” (originally “majority”) reflected the results of the elections of the governing bodies of the RSDLP at its 2nd Congress (1903).
IN AND. Lenin considered 1903 to be the time of the emergence of Bolshevism “as a current of political thought and as a political party,” but his works, which formed the ideological basis of Bolshevism (primarily “What is to be done?”, 1902), appeared earlier. Contrary to the generally accepted opinion among Russian Social Democrats at that time, the Bolsheviks assigned a priority place among the forces interacting in society to the subjective factor, mainly to the proletarian party - the “avant-garde of the working class.” The Bolsheviks continued radical direction in the Russian revolutionary movement: while remaining on the basis of Marxism, Bolshevism at the same time absorbed elements of the ideology and practice of revolutionaries of the 2nd half of the 19th century (N. G. Chernyshevsky, P. N. Tkachev, S. G. Nechaev).
The Bolsheviks used (following the ideas of K. Kautsky and G. V. Plekhanov) experience French Revolution The 18th century, especially the period of the Jacobin dictatorship (V.I. Lenin contrasted the Bolsheviks-"Jacobins" with the Mensheviks-"Girondists"). During the formation of Bolshevism, the special position of the Bolsheviks was manifested mainly in discussions on the organizational issue. At the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP, Lenin proposed that personal participation in the work of one of the party organizations be considered a condition for party membership. Lenin's position was based on the concept of the party as an illegal centralized organization of professional revolutionaries, suitable for conspiratorial activities and the seizure of power. It corresponded to the exceptional authority of Lenin, the leader and chief ideologist of the Bolsheviks. The composition of the Bolshevik leadership changed, initially V. I. Lenin’s inner circle included A. A. Bogdanov, V. V. Borovsky, G. M. Krzhizhanovsky, L. B. Krasin, A. V. Lunacharsky, M. S. Olminsky and etc.; almost all of them are in different time The Bolsheviks were declared insufficiently consistent or “conciliators.”
At the end of 1904, the Bolsheviks began publishing their first factional newspaper “Forward” (opposed to the Menshevik newspaper “Iskra”, which became in 1903) and created a factional center - the Bureau of Majority Committees. In the outbreak of the Revolution of 1905-07, according to the Bolsheviks, the main driving force belonged to the proletariat, which opposed both the autocracy and the “liberal bourgeoisie”; his victory would make it possible to fully implement the minimum program of the RSDLP and move on to the socialist revolution. Practical conclusions from this were the Bolsheviks’ support for the peasant demands for the confiscation of all landowners, state-owned and monastic lands (which meant the rejection of the programmatic position of the RSDLP on the return of only “sections” to the peasants), military-technical preparation for the uprising, and a course towards establishing the “dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.” During the rise of the revolution, the Bolsheviks acted together with the Socialist Revolutionary Party, the Mensheviks and other revolutionary organizations that used violent methods of struggle, including in the preparation and conduct of the December armed uprisings of 1905. Counting on the armed overthrow of the autocracy, the Bolsheviks boycotted the elections to the 1st State Duma.
In 1907-10, the factional governing body was the Bolshevik Center (consisting of members of the expanded editorial board of the factional newspaper “Proletary”). In 1907, the Bolsheviks admitted the boycott was wrong. State Duma, adhered to the tactics of the “left bloc” in the elections to the 2nd State Duma.
The number of Bolsheviks grew from 14 thousand (summer 1905) to 60 thousand members (spring 1907); after the Revolution of 1905-07 it decreased sharply. Many Bolsheviks were forced to emigrate, and a number of prominent Bolsheviks ceased political activity. Some Bolsheviks were excluded from the faction because of their differences in views with V.I. Lenin, among them a group of “otzovists” led by A.A. Bogdanov (demanded the recall of Social Democratic deputies from the State Duma, considered the use of only illegal means justified struggle). A group of “Bolshevik party members” emerged from the faction (they sought to cooperate with those Mensheviks who defended the need to preserve the illegal party). In 1907-14, the main point of disagreement between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks was the question of the degree of bourgeois changes in Russia: the Bolsheviks considered a close bourgeois revolution. Lenin abandoned the search for compromises with other movements in the RSDLP and agreed to a final split with them. At the Prague Conference of the RSDLP (1912; its delegates were mainly Bolsheviks), the “liquidators” (focused on building a legal party) were excluded from the party, all other (non-Bolshevik) movements were declared opponents of the party; Thus, the Bolsheviks actually turned into an independent party. Since 1912, the newspaper Pravda (published legally in St. Petersburg) became the most popular organ of the Bolsheviks. In 1913, Bolshevik deputies of the State Duma left the Social Democratic faction of the Duma and formed an independent faction led by R.V. Malinovsky (since 1914 with G.I. Petrovsky). Since the beginning of World War I, the Bolsheviks rejected the slogan of “defense of the Fatherland,” adopted by the majority of Russian Social Democrats, and opposed it with the slogan of “transforming the imperialist war into a civil war”; members of the Bolshevik faction in the State Duma were arrested.
The beginning of the February Revolution of 1917 was unexpected for the Bolsheviks, as well as for other Russian political parties. The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP, consisting of Bolsheviks, put forward the slogan of creating a Provisional Government on the basis of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and bringing the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the end. The leaders of the Petrograd and Moscow Bolsheviks, as well as the editorial board of the newspaper Pravda (L. B. Kamenev, I. V. Stalin, M. K. Muranov) considered it possible to conditionally support the Provisional Government with constant pressure on it, which coincided with the tactics of the Mensheviks; persisted significant amount united organizations of the RSDLP, the Bolsheviks discussed the issue of restoring its unity. A complete reorientation of the Bolshevik strategy and tactics occurred with the return of V. I. Lenin from emigration to Russia in April 1917. He stated (“April Theses”) that the transition from a bourgeois-democratic revolution to a socialist one has already begun in Russia, and since without the “overthrow of capital” it is impossible to either end the “imperialist war” or solve general democratic problems, all state power must pass to the Soviets . Lenin demanded that support for the Provisional Government be withdrawn, that the masses be explained about the “falsity” of its promises, and that they fight against “revolutionary defencism,” i.e., the opinion that the nature of the war had changed after the overthrow of the autocracy. Thus, the Bolsheviks entered into confrontation with all supporters of cooperation with the government (“compromisers”), the April Conference of the Bolsheviks completed the organizational and ideological separation of the Bolsheviks into an independent political party: at it, Lenin’s proposals were mainly supported, on their basis it was decided to prepare a new party program, and also add the word “Bolsheviks” to the name of the RSDLP. During the October Revolution of 1917, the Bolsheviks came to power. In March 1918, after representatives of the left socialist-revolutionary party left the Council of People's Commissars, the Bolsheviks became the only ruling party. Subsequently, the name of the Bolshevik Party changed several times; it continued to contain the word “Bolsheviks” (since 1952 it was called the Communist Party of the Soviet Union).
Source: Leninsky collection: In 40 volumes. M.; L., 1924-1985; CPSU in resolutions and decisions of congresses, conferences and plenums of the Central Committee. 1898-1954. M., 1954. Part 1; Lenin V.I. Complete. collection Op.: In 55 volumes. 5th ed. M., 1958-1965; Bolsheviks. Documents on the history of Bolshevism from 1903 to 1916 of the former Moscow Security Department. 3rd ed. M., 1990.
Lit.: Dan F.I. Origin of Bolshevism. New York, 1946; Berdyaev N. A. Origins and meaning of Russian communism. M., 1990; Ponomareva I.A. Theoretical disagreements in the RSDLP (1907-1910). M., 1990; Rosenthal I. S. Bolsheviks // Political history of Russia in parties and persons. M., 1994; Heimson L. Menshevism and Bolshevism (1903-1917): the formation of mentality and political culture// Mensheviks in 1917. M., 1994. T. 1; Tyutyukin S.V., Shelokhaev V.V. Marxists and the Russian Revolution. M., 1996; Martov Yu. O. Favorites. St. Petersburg, 2000; Potresov A. N. Favorites. M., 2002.
former (before November 1952) name of theoretical. and political magazine of the CPSU Central Committee "Communist".
Excellent definition
BOLSHEVIKS
the most radical faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. According to V.I. Lenin, Bolshevism as a current of political thought and as a political party arose in 1903 at the Second Congress of the RSDLP. Disputes over ideological, theoretical, tactical and organizational issues split the party. The majority of the congress delegates supported V.I. Lenin during the elections of the central bodies of the party. His supporters began to be called Bolsheviks, and his opponents - Mensheviks. The Bolsheviks insisted that the struggle for the implementation of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the immediate task of the party (minimum program) and that the real transformation of Russia was possible only if the socialist revolution won (maximum program). The Mensheviks believed that Russia was not ready for a socialist revolution, that at least 100-200 years would have to pass until the forces capable of carrying out socialist transformations matured in the country. The most important condition building socialism, the Bolsheviks considered the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat as, in their opinion, the most progressive class, capable of protecting the interests of the entire society and directing revolutionary forces to building socialism. Their opponents pointed out that the establishment of a dictatorship of one class was contrary to democratic principles, citing the experience of the “old” European social democratic parties, whose programs did not talk about the dictatorship of the working class. The Bolsheviks believed that the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was possible only under the condition of an alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry. Therefore, they insisted on including the basic demands of the peasants in the party program. The Menshevik leaders, citing the experience of revolutionary populism, exaggerated the conservatism of the peasantry (see “going to the people”), and argued that the main ally interested in the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution would be the liberal bourgeoisie, capable of taking power and governing the country. Therefore, they were against including the demands of the peasantry in the program and were ready to cooperate with the liberal part of the bourgeoisie. The special position of the Bolsheviks was also evident in the discussion on organizational issues. The Mensheviks contrasted the Bolshevik concept of the party as an illegal, centralized organization of professional revolutionaries shackled with iron discipline with their vision of an organization in which there was a place for everyone who shared social democratic ideas and was ready to different ways support the party. This also reflected a line of cooperation with liberal forces, but the Bolsheviks recognized as party members only those who were directly and personally involved in revolutionary work. The split in the party was a hindrance revolutionary movement. In the interests of its development, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks often joined forces, acted in the same organizations, coordinating their actions. They were called to this by the IV Unification Congress of the RSDLP (1906). However Team work existed in the merged organizations for a relatively short time. In the conditions of a new revolutionary upsurge (1910-1919), each of the factions wanted to use party financial and propaganda means (the press) as efficiently as possible and for their own purposes. The final split occurred at the VI All-Russian (Prague) Conference of the RSDLP (January 1912), after which the Bolsheviks designated their separation from the Mensheviks with the letter “b” in parentheses after the abbreviated name of the party - RSDLP(b).