politics perestroika parliamentary crisis
In the spring of 1990, elections of delegates to the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR were held. At the same time, the political crisis in the country was growing, and at the same time the economic situation, there was a weakening of controllability in the country. Production volumes began to decline, inflationary trends increased, and shortages state budget, the country's gold and foreign exchange resources were rapidly declining. The old methods of control - through the nomenklatura, through the use of terror - have become impossible. Job title Secretary General The CPSU Central Committee has lost a significant part of its managerial potential.
After the 1990 elections, “it becomes obvious that the union center is deprived of the opportunity to decide the fate of the country without resorting to negotiations with new political and state entities that enjoy the support of the people and demand power that would correspond to this support.”
This meant the end of the communist regime. The communist regime provided for the Communist Party's monopoly on power. Now she was gone. Political pluralism reigned in the country. Although formally Article 6 was abolished in March at the Third Congress, this no longer meant anything. Following the elections, as a result of the rise of the civil movement, the communist monopoly on power ceased to exist. The USSR turned into a country of soviets, not party committees.
Under these conditions, M.S. Gorbachev initiated the introduction of a new post in the country - the post of President of the USSR. In order to pass the Law on the President through the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where M.S. Gorbachev had many opponents; the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee attracted some of them to his side by proposing to repeal the article of the Constitution that declared the CPSU the “core” of the political system.
On March 14, 1990, the Law “On the establishment of the post of President of the USSR and the introduction of amendments and additions to the Constitution of the USSR” was adopted. According to this law, the President becomes the head of state. A citizen of the USSR no younger than 35 and no older than 65 could be elected to this post. The President of the USSR was not elected by direct voting, but at a meeting of the Congress of People's Deputies. At the proposal of the candidate for President of the USSR and together with him, the Vice-President of the USSR was elected, who performed certain of his functions on behalf of the President, and replaced the President in the event of his absence and impossibility of fulfilling his duties.
The President was supposed to ensure interaction between government and administrative bodies, make an annual report to the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR on the state of the country, and present to the Supreme Council of the highest officials- Chairman of the Government of the USSR, Supreme Court, Prosecutor General and Chairman of the Supreme Arbitration Court of the USSR, personnel of the Constitutional Supervision Committee of the USSR. The President was simultaneously the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the USSR.
In March 1990, Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR at the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. Union power transferred from the Central Committee and the Politburo to presidential structures. G.I. became vice-president. Yanaev. The management system in the country has changed. First of all, meetings of the Politburo of the Central Committee practically stopped meeting. Instead, a presidential council was formed (it existed until November 1990), and later the Security Council of the USSR. B.N. became the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. Yeltsin. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, a huge majority on June 12, 1990 adopted the Declaration of Sovereignty of the RSFSR. A month after the adoption of this Declaration, at the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR B.N. From the rostrum of the congress, Yeltsin announced his resignation from the CPSU. Yeltsin stated that, as the head of the highest legislative power, he must obey the will of the people who elected him, and therefore he left the party. And so that no one would have any doubts, he clearly confirmed this - he left the podium and, amid the roar of shocked delegates, calmly, without looking back, walked along the long aisle to the doors.
20 years ago, popular elections of the head of state were held for the first time
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June 12, 1991 in Russia, more precisely, in the RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, that’s what we were called then), presidential elections were held for the first time. Boris Yeltsin was elected, becoming the first and last President RSFSR.
At that time, the Soviet Union was still alive and there was a President of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev. The USSR will collapse a few months after the election of the first President of Russia. What kind of time was it when the first President of Russia was elected? How was the election campaign? Why did Yeltsin become president? How does this event look 20 years later?
The day before
Perestroika, launched in 1985, by 1991 had already completely taken hold of the masses and spread across the vast expanses of the USSR, regardless of its parent. The country, carried away by glasnost, spoke louder and lived harder. The 1989 Congress of People's Deputies, of which Boris Yeltsin became a delegate, showed the people many bright, non-Soviet-minded people - Anatoly Sobchak, Galina Starovoitova, Yuri Afanasyev, Gavriil Popov and, of course, Andrei Sakharov.
In 1990, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR was elected. Yeltsin became its deputy and then its chairman. Announcing the program of activities as speaker, Yeltsin said: “I have never advocated the secession of Russia, I am for the sovereignty of the Union, for the equality of the republics, for the republics to be strong and thereby strengthen our Union. This is the only position I stand on.”
A few days later, on June 12, 1990, the Russian parliament adopted the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR. Two months later in Ufa, Yeltsin proposed national republics, part of Russia, to take as much sovereignty “as they can stomach.” A year later, on June 12, the elections of the first President of Russia will be held, after which the day of June 12 will be declared a public holiday.
To spite Gorbachev
In 1987, Yeltsin, the first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, criticized the party leadership, including Gorbachev, at a plenum of the CPSU Central Committee. The plenum called Yeltsin’s speech “politically erroneous.” Yeltsin lost his post as first secretary of the Moscow City Committee. And he became deputy chairman of Gosstroy. “Do whatever you want,” Gorbachev told him, “but I won’t let you into politics anymore.” But not everything depended on the once all-powerful Secretary General in the country. Perhaps the confrontation with Gorbachev, the desire to punish for humiliation was one of the springs that pushed Yeltsin to the crest big politics. The presence of the enemy has always been good fuel for enthusiasm in politics.
But Yeltsin left the CPSU only in 1990, on the eve of elections to the Russian parliament. By that time, Gorbachev received the status of President of the USSR. And Yeltsin, having been elected as a deputy and then as speaker of the Russian parliament, is actively promoting the idea of introducing the post of President of Russia. He needed to defeat Gorbachev, crush him in the struggle for power and, of course, liquidate the Communist Party. This, the democrats of the 90s believed, was a brake on Russia’s prosperity. And then everything will bloom wildly...
The Gorbachev-Yeltsin political knot sparked from overvoltage. Captured by the war with Yeltsin, Gorbachev lost control of the country by the early 90s.
On March 17, 1991, the USSR held a referendum proposed by Gorbachev on the preservation of the USSR. More than 76% of citizens answered “yes”. In Russia, through the efforts of Yeltsin, the question was also submitted to this referendum: “Do you consider it necessary to introduce the post of President of the RSFSR, elected by popular vote?” More than 52% approved the idea.
Less than three months were spent preparing the fateful campaign. Taking America as an example, Russia also developed a president-vice president tandem. Aleksandr Rutskoy was teamed up with Yeltsin. The former head of the Council of Ministers of the USSR Nikolai Ryzhkov (he ran for the elections as a pensioner), the leader of the new Liberal Democratic Party Vladimir Zhirinovsky, deputy Aman Tuleyev, security officials Albert Makashov and Vadim Bakatin declared presidential candidates.
Yeltsin won in the first round. Upon taking office in the Kremlin Palace, he said: “Russia is rising from its knees! We will transform it into a prosperous, democratic, peace-loving, rule-of-law and sovereign state.” After the inauguration, Yeltsin and Gorbachev left the stage together. Or was Yeltsin taking Gorbachev away from the stage?
HOW IT WAS
Vladimir ZHIRINOVSKY, 1991 presidential candidate:
Everyone worked for Yeltsin!
During the 1991 elections, the entire country worked for Yeltsin, the entire press, all power structures. The other candidates were communists, but at that time anti-communist sentiments were already very strong. Nikolai Ryzhkov, scoring 17%, took second place. But anyway, at that time the Communist Party numbered 10 million, with family members it was 30 million, and voters were 100 million. Every third person could vote for Ryzhkov, at least he could get 30%. This is probably a reaction to the fact that Ryzhkov headed the government for five years before. Makashov scared that he would put pressure on everyone. Bakatin looked too intelligent. Tuleyev doesn’t even know why he came forward. Yeltsin was fed up by then. And Zhirinovsky was something new. During the elections in 1991, I said: “I will defend the Russians!” People then already felt anti-Russian sentiments in the union republics and autonomies. This slogan sharply distinguished me from the candidates.
I was the only one who was then coming from a new, still unknown party. And took third place. Then, after the elections, Alexander Yakovlev called a meeting and said that this was not a victory for Yeltsin, but a victory for Zhirinovsky, an unknown employee of some publishing house, for whom 6 million 213 thousand 207 people voted. I remember I arrived in Ivanovo, there was a rally on the street, an old woman came up, stroked my hand, and said: thank you, son, what kind of Yeltsin are you. People could not even imagine that there could be other candidates for whom they could also vote. Day and night on TV and radio: Yeltsin, Yeltsin, Yeltsin.
I traveled a lot then. This was also new, people came to see an unknown presidential candidate. The rest of the candidates stayed at home more. Yeltsin had the opportunity to travel as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR; he had an airplane. And they showed him ten times more than everyone else. The communists at that time did not understand the threat looming over them; they were sure that everything would remain as before. They did not expect Yeltsin to destroy the USSR. I remember this day, June 12, 1991, warm and sunny. There are many voters, many journalists. Nobody took me seriously, and when they found out about the third place - what happened to the Democrats! There was such a howl!
Mikhail POLTORANIN, from 1990 to 1992 - Minister of Press and Information of Russia:
Gorbachev's "Child"
The 1991 presidential elections were the fairest Russia has ever known. If in 1989, during the elections of people's deputies of the USSR, in which I participated and won, administrative resources were still intruding, then in 1991 there was no administrative pressure at all. Gorbachev gave complete freedom, and the election of the President of Russia is Gorbachev’s merit. Yeltsin is now being thanked for freedom, but no, Gorbachev gave freedom. Both political and economic. And Yeltsin, and Luzhkov, and Sobchak, and Popov, and I - we are all children of Gorbachev. And there are all sorts of children: some are grateful to their parents, others abandon them.
- Why did Yeltsin become the first president?
His victory is people's hope for change, for the prosperity of the country. But the elections on June 12 are already the end point of the rise, and disappointment set in very soon. Yeltsin did not live up to expectations - but this is not his fault, but our fault, the fault of the entire people, because the people had the opportunity to prevent him from winning in 1996.
- When Yeltsin was elected president in 1991, did he already understand that the USSR would die?
Of course, he no longer hid this death. I remember how after Yeltsin’s elections, at the end of June, his assistant Ilyushin called me and invited me to Klyazma, where the president was going to celebrate the victory, as he said, in a family way. I took a bottle of vodka, my wife baked whites. We were taken to the island, there were already several people there, including the not very sober Vice President Rutskoi. We drank to Russia. After the barbecue, I offered Yeltsin a boat ride. I sat down at the oars. I told him that it was necessary to negotiate with Gorbachev so as not to impose Bolshevism on Russia, that Russia now had a legally elected president, and that the USSR needed to be made a state convenient for all republics. Yeltsin replied: “Wait a little, soon there will be no need to negotiate with anyone, we will be our own masters.” And he put his finger to his lips. Yeltsin brought the idea of the presidency from America back in 1989. In the USA there was an ongoing battle with our politicians big job. And Yeltsin was greatly influenced. Although later, like a stubborn Russian man, he did not admit mistakes, insisting that, they say, I did everything right. Overseas they understood how important it was for the popularly elected President of Russia to appear next to the semi-legitimate President of the USSR appointed by deputies. This created a conflict in power. And from here the collapse of the country is just a stone's throw away. Yeltsin went to the collapse of the USSR, knowing that he was not loved either in Belarus, or in Ukraine, or in Kazakhstan. And he would never have been elected President of the USSR. He only had the opportunity to become the President of Russia.
- Did Western consultants work during the 1991 presidential campaign?
They were close all the time. True, we waved it off when they made recommendations on what slogans were needed. They didn't know our life.
Did Gorbachev understand what a threat the emergence of a Russian President would pose to him, especially one like Boris Nikolaevich?
I myself personally told Gorbachev: “Go to the polls, let the people elect you, you will be the legitimate president.” “Oh,” Gorbachev waved, “you just want Yeltsin to win.” Gorbachev would have won, would have become a legitimate president, and perhaps the USSR would have survived.
Mikhail Nikiforovich, you were one of those who contributed to the rise of Yeltsin, who helped him in the confrontation with Gorbachev?
Yes it is. It was I who came up with Yeltsin’s famous speech at the October 1987 Plenum of the Central Committee.
- The speech that made him a folk hero in the fight against the party nomenklatura and its privileges...
Yes, but Yeltsin didn’t make this speech at the plenum; I came up with it a month later. After the plenum, he was beaten hard, but the people did not understand why he was being beaten like that. People began to wonder: what did Yeltsin say to Gorbachev? I began to find out, it turned out that it was not a speech, but a dummy. Yeltsin was not an orator. I told him: “Why did you give such a weak speech?” Yeltsin replies that he couldn’t stand it, he threw it on his knee and left. If his real speech had been published, the people would have been disappointed. I was then the editor of Moskovskaya Pravda. A month after the scandalous October one, there was a meeting of the USSR editors-in-chief at the Academy of Sciences. They all began to ask me: get Yeltsin’s famous speech at the plenum. I sat down and wrote it. Photocopied at night. And they distributed it to the editors. They took it all over the Union, immediately printed it somewhere, and “Yeltsin’s speech” went around the country. And his authority soared.
- But why didn’t Gorbachev release a transcript of Yeltsin’s real speech in response?
A year later, this faded thing was published in the journal of the CPSU Central Committee. Everyone decided it was a hoax. I remember Gorbachev once met with us deputies. Gorbachev shakes everyone’s hands, but he backs away from me and hisses: “I won’t forgive you for this.” I confess that I helped Yeltsin become super popular.
A leader known in narrow circles
There was not a hint of dirt in the 1991 elections. Real competition between candidates. The Communist Party could no longer harm, and the voters themselves acted as judges. This was the peak of Gorbachev's democratic reform. In 1989, I was a candidate for deputy from Grozny. It was then considered a Russian city - 70% of Russian speakers, over 60% of Russians lived in Grozny. The so-called national minorities could not apply for any positions. And suddenly I am from Grozny. My rivals were respected people, a minister, a plant director. And the first presidential elections were clean. I actually headed Yeltsin's election campaign.
- Yeltsin won because that was the kind of leader Russia needed then?
No, Yeltsin could not be called an all-Russian leader. He was supported only by certain circles in the capital. But the province rejected it. The power there was with the leaders of the Soviets of Deputies, and they could not stand Yeltsin. Ryzhkov was just popular in the outback.
- Why didn’t Ryzhkov win?
He would have won if his team had not been pre-set to lose. His team was weak. And we were very active.
- How did you build Yeltsin’s election campaign?
Some of Yeltsin’s comrades wanted to promote the idea that we don’t need the USSR. But I demanded that Yeltsin categorically ban these slogans; they harmed us. We held several meetings with the headquarters, and I convinced them to say that Russia should be part of the USSR. And we convinced the majority of voters of this.
- Why did you nominate Yeltsin, and not someone else, say, Rutsky?
We did not think that Rutskoi should become president. The majority soon came to the conclusion that Yeltsin had mistakenly made him vice president in the first place. And in 1993, Valery Zorkin had many chances to become president.
- Were there Western “helpers” at the 1991 elections?
Absolutely no. This was a period of romantic faith among people, a revolutionary impulse. People believed in change, in a new life.
POLITICAL SCIENTIST'S OPINION
Leonid RESHETNIKOV, Director of the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, Lieutenant General:
Without a goal
In the 90s, the politicians of that time identified only two possible ways: Communist or Western, called democratic. But even then it was clear that both paths had been passed. Then, in the 90s, they were passed. It was a shame that they didn’t want to take us onto the path that Russia had been following for millennia, to look for the direction of movement, development, from our roots.
Although, without such a breakthrough person as Yeltsin, it would have been very difficult to get out of systemic Soviet ideas. Still haven't come out. But then, in 1991, he broke through. But I couldn’t go any further. He was flesh and blood Soviet system, a party and economic worker, and these comrades, as a rule, knew little, read little, and were not very well educated. In the post of president, if you came there empty-handed, you won’t be able to catch up. Especially when the main passions are not self-development, but tennis and feasting. And there’s a ton of work, documents, visits. Although, we must give Yeltsin his due, he did not allow any persecution. But such a post, especially in a country like Russia, must be filled by a deep person, who understands exactly where he will lead the country, and is strong. And, of course, high moral qualities.
2 March 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Krasnogvardeisky district, Stavropol Territory, Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, Soviet and Russian state and public figure, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (1985-91), first President of the USSR (1990-91), Nobel Peace Prize laureate (1990).
In 1950, Gorbachev graduated from school with a silver medal and entered the law faculty of Moscow University. After graduating from the university in 1955, he was appointed secretary of the Stavropol city Komsomol committee, and from 1956 - first secretary. In 1958-1962. Gorbachev worked in leadership positions in the regional Komsomol committee. In 1967, he graduated in absentia from the Faculty of Economics of the Stavropol Agricultural Institute with a degree in economics and agronomist.
In 1962, Gorbachev went to work in the regional party committee. In 1966, he became the first secretary of the Stavropol City Committee of the CPSU, two years later - the second secretary, and then the first secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU. In the mid-1970s. Gorbachev was actively involved in issues Agriculture: the central press published his articles in support of methods for rationalizing peasant labor. Gradually, Gorbachev became one of the ideologists of the party's policy in the field of agriculture.
In 1971, he became a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and three years later he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR; was the chairman of a number of commissions of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR: on youth affairs (1974-1979), legislative proposals (1979-1984), on foreign affairs(1984-1985). During these years, he managed to rally around himself the young secretaries of the Central Committee and the leaders of local party organizations (E.K. Ligacheva, N.I. Ryzhkov, E.A. Shevardnadze), and also received the support of some members and candidates for members of the Politburo, first just A. A. Gromyko, who had great influence.
In 1985, at the March plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, Gorbachev was officially elected general secretary Central Committee. During the year, Gorbachev renewed the composition of the Politburo by two-thirds: 60% of the secretaries of regional committees and 40% of the members of the CPSU Central Committee were replaced. In February - March 1986, at the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, Gorbachev made a report in which he spoke in favor of the need for economic renewal of the country, increasing the independence of enterprises, reducing government orders, democratic changes in society, and increasing the political activity of the people. The policy of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU was called “perestroika”, the main slogans of which were “new thinking”, “glasnost” and “openness”.
On March 15, 1990, the III Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR elected M.S. Gorbachev as president THE USSR.
Associated with the name of Gorbachev foreign policy“new thinking” contributed to a radical change in the entire international situation (the end of the Cold War, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, the weakening of the nuclear threat, “velvet” revolutions in countries of Eastern Europe, unification of Germany). In 1990, Gorbachev was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his contribution to easing international tensions.
In August 1991, Gorbachev announced his resignation as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and on December 25, 1991, after signing the Belovezhskaya Agreement on the liquidation of the USSR, he resigned as head of state.
After resigning, Mikhail Sergeevich continued his active social activities. In 1992, he founded the International Foundation for Socio-Economic and political studies(“Gorbachev Foundation”). In 1993, Gorbachev headed the international environmental organization Green Cross. In 1996, he took part in the Russian presidential elections (gained about 0.51%). On October 20, 2007, M. S. Gorbachev became chairman of the All-Russian social movement"Union of Social Democrats".
Lit.: Gorbachev Foundation: website. 2010. URL: http://www. gorby. ru /; Gorbachev M. S. Life and reforms. M., 1995; Medvedev IN. A. On Gorbachev’s team: A look from the inside. M., 1994;Modern political history of Russia (1985-1997) years). T. 2: Faces of Russia. M., 1998; Chernyaev A. S. Six years with Gorbachev: According to diaries and notes. M., 1993; Shakhnazarov G. X. The price of freedom: Gorbachev’s Reformation through the eyes of his assistant. M., 1994;27th Congress of the CPSU: Materials. M., 1986; The same [Electronic resource]. URL: http://publ. lib. ru / ARCHIVES / K / KPSS /_ KPSS . html #027.
See also in the Presidential Library:
Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev. Born on March 2, 1931 in the village. Privolnoe (North Caucasus region). Soviet, Russian statesman, political and public figure. The last General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. The last Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, then the first Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. The only President of the USSR.
Founder of the Gorbachev Foundation. Since 1993, co-founder of CJSC Novaya Ezhednevnaya Gazeta (see Novaya Gazeta). Member editorial board since 1993.
He has a number of awards and honorary titles, the most famous of which is the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize. Included in the list of the 100 most studied personalities in history.
During the period of Gorbachev’s activities as head of state and leader of the CPSU, serious changes occurred in the Soviet Union that influenced the whole world, which were a consequence of the following events:
A large-scale attempt to reform the Soviet system (“Perestroika”). Introduction to the USSR of the policy of openness, freedom of speech and press, and democratic elections.
The end of the Cold War.
Conclusion Soviet troops from Afghanistan (1989).
Refusal of the state status of communist ideology and persecution of dissidents.
The collapse of the USSR and the Warsaw bloc, the transition of the socialist countries of Eastern Europe to a market economy and democracy.
Born on March 2, 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Medvedensky district, Stavropol Territory (then North Caucasus Territory), into a peasant family. Father - Gorbachev Sergei Andreevich (1909-1976), Russian.
Mother - Gopkalo Maria Panteleevna (1911-1993), Ukrainian.
Both grandfathers of M. S. Gorbachev were repressed in the 1930s. Paternal grandfather, Andrei Moiseevich Gorbachev (1890--1962), individual peasant; for failure to fulfill the sowing plan in 1934, he was sent into exile in the Irkutsk region, two years later he was released, returned to his homeland and joined a collective farm, where he worked until the end of his life.
Maternal grandfather, Panteley Efimovich Gopkalo (1894-1953), came from peasants in the Chernigov province, was the eldest of five children, lost his father at the age of 13, and later moved to Stavropol. He became the chairman of a collective farm and was arrested in 1937 on charges of Trotskyism. While under investigation, he spent 14 months in prison and endured torture and abuse. Pantelei Efimovich was saved from execution by a change in the “party line”, the February 1938 plenum dedicated to the “fight against excesses.” As a result, in September 1938, the head of the GPU of the Krasnogvardeisky district shot himself, and Panteley Efimovich was acquitted and released. After the resignation and collapse of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev stated that his grandfather’s stories served as one of the factors that inclined him to reject the Soviet regime.
During the war, when Mikhail was more than 10 years old, his father went to the front. After some time, German troops entered the village, and the family spent more than five months under occupation. On January 21-22, 1943, these areas were liberated by Soviet troops in a strike from near Ordzhonikidze. After his release, news came that his father had died. And a few days later a letter arrived from my father, it turned out that he was alive, the funeral was sent by mistake. Sergei Andreevich Gorbachev was awarded two Orders of the Red Star and the medal “For Courage”. Then his father supported Mikhail more than once in difficult moments of his life.
From the age of 13, he combined his studies at school with periodic work at MTS and on a collective farm. From the age of 15 he worked as an assistant to an MTS combine operator. In 1949, schoolboy Gorbachev was awarded the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for his hard work harvesting grain. In the tenth grade, at the age of 19, he became a candidate member of the CPSU, recommendations were given by the school director and teachers. In 1950, he graduated from school with a silver medal and entered the Lomonosov Moscow State University without exams, this opportunity was provided by a government award. In 1952 he was admitted to the CPSU. After graduating with honors from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University in 1955, he was sent to Stavropol to the regional prosecutor's office, and was assigned to work for 10 days - from August 5 to August 15, 1955. On his own initiative, he was invited to the vacated Komsomol work, became deputy head of the Department of Agitation and Propaganda of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the Komsomol, from 1956 the first secretary of the Stavropol City Komsomol Committee, then from 1958 the second and in 1961-1962. First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the Komsomol.
While studying at Moscow State University, he met and on September 25, 1953 married a student at the Faculty of Philosophy, Raisa Maksimovna Titarenko (1932-1999). The wedding took place in the dining room of a student dormitory on Stromynka.
Since March 1962, party organizer of the regional committee of the CPSU of the Stavropol territorial production collective and state farm administration. In October 1961 - delegate to the XXII Congress of the CPSU. Since 1963 - head of the department of party bodies of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU. F.D. Kulakov, who left the Stavropol region from the post of first secretary of the regional party committee in 1964, called his successor in this position L.N. Efremov M.S. Gorbachev is among the promising party workers. And although Efremov did not like him, there were urgent recommendations from Moscow for his promotion.
On September 26, 1966, Mikhail Gorbachev was elected first secretary of the Stavropol City Committee of the CPSU. That same year he traveled abroad for the first time, to the GDR. In 1967, he graduated in absentia from the Faculty of Economics of the Stavropol Agricultural Institute with a degree in agronomist-economist.
Twice Gorbachev’s candidacy was considered for joining the KGB. In 1966, he was proposed for the post of head of the KGB department of the Stavropol Territory, but his candidacy was rejected by Vladimir Semichastny. In 1969, he considered Gorbachev as a possible candidate for the post of deputy chairman of the KGB of the USSR.
Gorbachev himself recalled that before being elected first secretary of the regional committee, he “had attempts to go into science... I passed the minimum, wrote a dissertation.”
From August 5, 1968, second secretary, from April 10, 1970, first secretary of the Stavropol Regional Committee of the CPSU. His predecessor in this position, Leonid Efremov, argued that Gorbachev's promotion took place at the insistence of Moscow, although Efremov found it possible to nominate him as his successor.
Deputy of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 9-11 convocations (1974-1989) from the Stavropol Territory. Until 1974, he was a member of the Commission of the Union Council for Nature Conservation, then from 1974 to 1979 - Chairman of the Commission on Youth Affairs of the Union Council of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
In 1973, a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Pyotr Demichev made him an offer to head the Propaganda Department of the CPSU Central Committee, where Alexander Yakovlev was the acting head for several years. After consulting with Mikhail Suslov, Gorbachev refused.
According to the testimony of the former chairman of the State Planning Committee Nikolai Baibakov, he offered Gorbachev the post of his deputy on agricultural issues.
After Politburo member Dmitry Polyansky was removed from the post of Minister of Agriculture of the USSR (1976), Gorbachev’s mentor Fyodor Kulakov spoke about the post of Minister of Agriculture of the USSR, but Valentin Mesyats was appointed minister.
The administrative department of the CPSU Central Committee proposed Gorbachev for the post of Prosecutor General of the USSR instead of Roman Rudenko, but his candidacy for the future General Secretary was rejected by Politburo member, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee Andrei Kirilenko.
In 1971-1991 he was a member of the CPSU Central Committee. According to Gorbachev himself, he was patronized by Yuri Andropov, who contributed to his transfer to Moscow; according to independent estimates, Mikhail Suslov and Andrei Gromyko were more sympathetic to Gorbachev.
September 17, 1978 at the station Mineral water On the North Caucasus Railway, the so-called “meeting of four general secretaries”, which later gained some fame, took place - Konstantin Chernenko, who was traveling to Baku and accompanying him, met with Mikhail Gorbachev, as the “owner” of Stavropol, and Yuri Andropov, who was there on vacation at the same time. Historians emphasize that 47-year-old Mikhail Gorbachev was the youngest party functionary whose candidacy Brezhnev approved as Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee; Gorbachev himself mentioned several of his meetings with Brezhnev even before moving to Moscow.
As Evgeny Chazov testified, in a conversation with him after the death of F.D. Kulakov in 1978, Brezhnev “began to go through from memory possible candidates for the vacant position of Secretary of the Central Committee and named Gorbachev first.”
On November 27, 1978, at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, he was elected Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. On December 6, 1978, he moved with his family to Moscow. From November 27, 1979 to October 21, 1980 - candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Chairman of the Commission for Legislative Proposals of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in 1979-84.
From October 21, 1980 to August 24, 1991 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, from December 9, 1989 to June 19, 1990 - Chairman of the Russian Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee, from March 11, 1985 to August 24, 1991 - General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. After the death of K. U. Chernenko, Gorbachev was nominated to the post of Secretary General of the CPSU Central Committee at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee on March 11, 1985 by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko, and Andrei Andreevich attributed this to his personal initiative. In the memoirs of the first deputy chairman of the KGB of the USSR F.D. Bobkova mentions that at the beginning of 1985, due to Chernenko’s illness, Gorbachev chaired the Politburo, from which the author concludes that Mikhail Sergeevich was already the second person in the state and the successor to the post of Secretary General.
On October 1, 1988, Mikhail Gorbachev took the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, that is, he began to combine senior positions in the party and state hierarchy.
He was elected as a delegate to the XXII (1961), XXIV (1971) and all subsequent (1976, 1981, 1986, 1990) congresses of the CPSU. From 1970 to 1989 - deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR from July 2, 1985 to October 1, 1988. Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (October 1, 1988 - May 25, 1989). Chairman of the Commission on Youth Affairs of the Union Council of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1974-79); Chairman of the Commission for Legislative Proposals of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1979-84); People's Deputy of the USSR from the CPSU - 1989 (March) - 1990 (March); Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (formed by the Congress of People's Deputies) - 1989 (May) - 1990 (March); Deputy of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR (1980-1990).
On March 15, 1990, at the third extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev was elected President of the USSR. At the same time, until December 1991, he was Chairman of the USSR Defense Council, Supreme Commander-in-Chief Armed Forces THE USSR. Reserve Colonel.
During the events of August 1991, the head of the State Emergency Committee, Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Yanaev announced his assumption of office. O. president, citing Gorbachev's illness. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR announced this decision the actual removal of Gorbachev from power and demanded its abolition. According to Gorbachev himself and those who were with him, he was isolated in Foros (according to statements of some former members of the Emergency Committee, their accomplices and lawyers, there was no isolation). After the self-dissolution of the State Emergency Committee and the arrest of its former members, Gorbachev returned from Foros to Moscow; upon his return, he said about his “imprisonment”: “Keep in mind, no one will know the real truth.” On August 24, 1991, he announced the resignation of the General Secretary of the Central Committee. In November 1991, Gorbachev left the CPSU.
On November 4, 1991, the senior assistant to the Prosecutor General of the USSR, head of the department of the USSR Prosecutor General's Office for supervision over the implementation of laws on state security, Viktor Ilyukhin, opened a criminal case against Gorbachev under Article 64 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (Treason to the Motherland) in connection with his signing of resolutions of the USSR State Council dated 6 September 1991 on recognition of the independence of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. As a result of the adoption of these resolutions, the USSR Law of April 3, 1990 “On the procedure for resolving issues related to the secession of a union republic from the USSR” was violated, since referendums on secession from the USSR were not held in these republics and there was no established transition period for consideration of all controversial issues. USSR Prosecutor General Nikolai Trubin closed the case due to the fact that the decision to recognize the independence of the Baltic republics was made not by the president personally, but by the State Council. Two days later, Ilyukhin was fired from the prosecutor's office.
After the signing by the presidents of the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR and L. Kravchuk and the chairman of the Supreme Council of the Byelorussian SSR S. Shushkevich on December 8, 1991 of the Belovezhsky Agreement on the termination of the existence of the USSR and the creation of the CIS, Gorbachev 17 days later in a televised address to the people announced the termination of his activities in office President of the USSR and signed a decree transferring control of strategic nuclear weapons to Russian President Boris Yeltsin. After this, the state flag of the USSR was lowered over the Kremlin.
On the day the Belovezhskaya Agreement was signed, Vice-President of the RSFSR Alexander Rutskoy met with Gorbachev. Rutskoi persuaded the President of the USSR to arrest Yeltsin, Shushkevich and Kravchuk. Gorbachev weakly objected to Rutsky: “Don’t panic... The agreement has no legal basis... They will fly in, we will gather in Novo-Ogarevo. By the New Year there will be a Union Treaty!”
The day after the agreement was signed, USSR President M.S. Gorbachev made a statement saying that each union republic has the right to secede from the Union, but the fate of a multinational state cannot be determined by the will of the leaders of the three republics. This issue should be resolved only constitutionally with the participation of all union republics and taking into account the will of their peoples. It also talks about the need to convene a Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.
On December 18, in his message to the participants of the meeting in Almaty on the formation of the CIS, Gorbachev proposed calling the CIS the “Commonwealth of European and Asian States” (CEAG). He also proposed that after ratification of the agreement on the creation of the CIS by all union republics (except the Baltic ones), a final meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR should be held, which would adopt its resolution on the termination of the existence of Soviet Union and the transfer of all its legal rights and obligations to the Commonwealth of European and Asian States.
On December 21, 1991, by decision of the Council of Heads of State of the CIS, the outgoing President of the USSR received lifelong benefits: a special pension, medical care for the whole family, personal security, a state dacha, and a personal car was assigned to him. The resolution of these issues was entrusted to the Government of the RSFSR.
Activities of Mikhail Gorbachev as General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and President of the USSR:
Being at the pinnacle of power, Gorbachev in January 1987, at the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, launched the policy of “perestroika”, in the development of which he carried out numerous reforms and campaigns, which later led to a market economy, free elections, the destruction of the monopoly power of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR.
Acceleration- a slogan put forward on April 20, 1985, associated with promises to dramatically increase industry and the well-being of the people in a short time; campaign led to accelerated attrition production capacity, contributed to the start of the cooperative movement and prepared perestroika.
Anti-alcohol campaign in the USSR, launched on May 17, 1985, led to a 45% increase in prices for alcoholic drinks, a reduction in alcohol production, cutting down vineyards, the disappearance of sugar in stores due to moonshine and the introduction of sugar cards, but also an increase in life expectancy among the population, a decrease in the level of crimes committed due to alcoholism. The authors of the idea were Yegor Ligachev and Mikhail Solomentsev, whom Gorbachev actively supported. According to the Chairman of the USSR Government Nikolai Ryzhkov, the country lost 62 billion Soviet rubles in the “struggle for sobriety.”
In December 1985, Gorbachev, after consulting with his closest associate, Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee E.K. Ligachev, contrary to the advice of Prime Minister N.I. Ryzhkov, decided to appoint B.N. Yeltsin as the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.
On April 8, 1986, Gorbachev visited Tolyatti, where he visited the Volzhsky Automobile Plant. The result of this visit was the decision to create, on the basis of the flagship of the domestic mechanical engineering, a research and production enterprise - the industry scientific and technical center (STC) of AVTOVAZ OJSC, which was a significant event in the Soviet automobile industry. At his speech in Tolyatti, Gorbachev clearly uttered the word “perestroika” for the first time; this was picked up by the media and became the slogan of the new era in USSR.
May 1, 1986, after the accident at Chernobyl nuclear power plant, at the direction of Gorbachev, in order to prevent panic among the population, May Day demonstrations were held in Kyiv, Minsk and other cities of the republics, risking the health of those present.
On May 15, 1986, a campaign began to intensify the fight against unearned income, which was locally understood as a fight against tutors, flower sellers, chauffeurs who picked up passengers, and sellers of homemade bread in Central Asia. The campaign was soon curtailed due to the introduction of the first elements of a market economy in the USSR.
Published November 19, 1986 USSR Law “On Individual labor activity» (according to the law - “socially useful activities of citizens in the production of goods and provision of paid services, not related to their labor relations with state, cooperative and other public enterprises, institutions, organizations and citizens, as well as with intra-collective farm labor relations"), which for the first time in decades consolidates the right of USSR citizens to private entrepreneurship (in small forms) and giving it legislative regulation.
The return of the Soviet scientist and dissident, Nobel Prize winner A.D. Sakharov from political exile at the end of 1986, the cessation of criminal prosecutions for dissent.
Transfer of enterprises to self-financing, self-sufficiency, self-financing- the introduction of the first elements of a market economy in the USSR, the widespread introduction of cooperatives - the harbingers of private enterprises, the removal of restrictions on foreign exchange transactions.
Perestroika with alternating half-hearted and drastic measures and countermeasures to introduce or limit a market economy and democracy.
In January 1987, at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which discussed the responsibility of senior party cadres, the first acute public conflict between Gorbachev and Yeltsin occurred. From this time on, Gorbachev was regularly criticized by Yeltsin, and a confrontation between the two leaders began.
Power reform, introduction of elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and local Soviets on an alternative basis.
Personnel changes in the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, resignation of many elderly party functionaries (1988). In 1989, more than 100 members of the CPSU Central Committee were sent into retirement by Gorbachev.
Publicity, the actual removal of party censorship on funds mass media and cultural works. Posthumous cancellation in September 1989 of the awarding of L. I. Brezhnev with the Order of Victory - as contrary to the status of the order.
Tough measures to localize national conflicts, in particular, the dispersal of a youth rally in Almaty, the deployment of troops into Azerbaijan, the dispersal of a demonstration in Georgia on April 9, 1989, the beginning of a long-term conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh (1988), countering the separatist aspirations of the Baltic republics, and then recognition of their independence from the USSR on September 6, 1991.
The disappearance of food from stores, hidden inflation, the introduction of a rationing system for many types of food in 1989. The period of Gorbachev's rule was characterized by the washing out of goods from stores, as a result of pumping the economy with non-cash rubles, and subsequently by hyperinflation.
Under Gorbachev, the Soviet Union's foreign debt continued to grow. Approximate data are as follows: 1985, external debt - $31.3 billion; 1991, external debt - $70.3 billion.
Reform of the CPSU, which led to the formation of several political platforms within it, and subsequently - the abolition of the one-party system and the removal of the constitutional status of “leading and directing force” from the CPSU.
Rehabilitation of victims Stalin's repressions, not previously rehabilitated under.
Weakening of control over the socialist camp (the Sinatra doctrine), which led, in particular, to a change of power in most socialist countries, the unification of Germany in 1990, and the end of the Cold War (the latter in the United States is usually regarded as a victory for the American bloc.
The introduction of Soviet troops into Baku on the night of January 19-20, 1990, against the Popular Front of Azerbaijan. More than 130 dead, including women and children.
The revival of the tradition of celebrating Orthodox Christmas at the state level since January 7, 1991, declaring it a non-working day.
During the years of his rule, Gorbachev put forward a number of peace initiatives and proclaimed a policy "new thinking" in international affairs. The USSR government unilaterally declared a moratorium on nuclear weapons testing. However, such initiatives of the Soviet leadership were sometimes regarded by Western partners as a sign of weakness and were not accompanied by reciprocal steps. Thus, with the abolition of the Organization in 1991 Warsaw Pact the NATO bloc opposing it not only continued its activities, but also advanced its borders far to the east, to the borders of Russia.
Family of Mikhail Gorbachev:
Wife - (nee Titarenko), died in 1999 from leukemia. She lived and worked in Moscow for more than 30 years. As Mikhail Sergeevich said in a press interview in September 2014, Raisa Maksimovna’s first pregnancy in 1954 back in Moscow due to heart complications after suffering from rheumatism, doctors, with his consent, were forced to terminate artificially; The student spouses lost a boy whom Gorbachev wanted to name Sergei. In 1955, the Gorbachevs, having completed their studies, moved to the Stavropol region, where, with a change in climate, Raisa felt better, and soon the couple had a daughter.
Granddaughters: Ksenia Anatolyevna Virganskaya-Gorbacheva (January 21, 1980) First husband - Kirill Solod, son of a businessman (1982), got married on April 30, 2003. Second husband - Dmitry Pyrchenkov (former concert director of singer Abraham Russo), got married in 2009. Great-granddaughter - Alexandra Pyrchenkova (October 22, 2008).
Anastasia Anatolyevna Virganskaya (March 27, 1987) - a graduate of the MGIMO Faculty of Journalism, works as a chief editor at the Internet site Trendspace.ru, husband Dmitry Zangiev (1987), married on March 20, 2010. Dmitry graduated from the Eastern University of the Russian Academy of Sciences, studied in graduate school in 2010 Russian Academy civil service under the President of the Russian Federation, worked in an advertising agency in 2010.
Brother - Alexander Sergeevich Gorbachev (September 7, 1947 - December 15, 2001) - military man, graduated from higher education military school in Leningrad. Served in missile forces strategic purpose, retired with the rank of colonel.
Mikhail Gorbachev was born on March 2, 1931 in the village of Privolnoye, Stavropol Territory. The boy grew up in a peasant family. In 1948, he worked with his father on a combine harvester and even received the Order of the Red Banner of Labor for his success in harvesting. In 1950, the young man graduated from school with a silver medal and entered Moscow University at the Faculty of Law. In 1952, Mikhail became a member of the party.
After graduating from Moscow State University in 1955, Gorbachev, as secretary of the Komsomol organization of the faculty, achieved assignment to the USSR Prosecutor's Office. However, just then the government adopted a closed resolution prohibiting the employment of law school graduates in the central bodies of the court and prosecutor's office.
Returning to the Stavropol region, he decided not to contact the prosecutor’s office and got a job in the district Komsomol committee as deputy head of the agitation and propaganda department. The Komsomol and then the party career of Mikhail Sergeevich developed very successfully. In 1961, Gorbachev was appointed first secretary of the regional committee of the Komsomol, the following year he transferred to party work, and in 1966 he took the post of first secretary of the Stavropol city committee of the Communist Party. At the same time, he graduated from the local agricultural institute in absentia.
In November 1978, Gorbachev took office as Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The recommendations of close associates of Leonid Brezhnev, Konstantin Chernenko, and Yuri Andropov played a role in this appointment. Two years later, Mikhail Sergeevich turned out to be the youngest member of the Political Bureau. In the near future, he dreamed of becoming the first person in the party and state.
When Andropov died and Konstantin Chernenko came to power for an equally short period, Gorbachev became the second-in-command in the party and the most likely “heir” to the elderly general secretary.
Chernenko's death opened the path to power for Gorbachev. At the plenum of the Central Committee on March 11, 1985, he was elected general secretary of the party. At the next April plenum, Mikhail Sergeevich proclaimed a course towards restructuring and accelerating the development of the country. He named glasnost as one of the conditions for the success of the reforms. This has not yet become full-fledged freedom of speech, but at least the opportunity to talk about the shortcomings of society in the press, however, without affecting the members of the Politburo and the foundations of the Soviet system.
Gorbachev hoped that by remaining the leader of a socialist country, he could gain respect in the world. The politician sincerely believed that new political thinking should triumph: recognition of the priority of universal human values over class and national values, the need to unite all peoples and states for a joint decision global problems facing humanity.
In contrast to the course towards glasnost, when it is enough to order the weakening and then actually abolish censorship, his other undertakings were a combination of administrative coercion with propaganda. At the end of his reign, Gorbachev, having become president, tried to rely not on the party apparatus, like his predecessors, but on the government and a team of assistants. Mikhail Sergeevich leaned more and more towards the social democratic model.
However, Gorbachev abandoned communist dogmas too slowly, only under the influence of the growth of anti-communist sentiment in society and the outbreak of rallies for Boris Yeltsin. But even during the August 1991 coup, Gorbachev still hoped to retain power and, returning from the Crimean state dacha, declared that he believed in socialist values and, at the head of the reformed Communist Party, would fight for them.
IN last performance As President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Sergeevich took credit for the fact that “society gained freedom, became liberated politically and spiritually.” And indeed, became real free elections, freedom of the press, religious freedoms, multi-party system. Human rights are recognized as the highest principle.
The foreign policy of Mikhail Gorbachev, who finally eliminated " iron curtain”, ensured him respect in the world. In 1990, the President of the USSR was awarded Nobel Prize world for activities aimed at developing international cooperation.
At the same time, Gorbachev’s indecisiveness and his desire to find a compromise that would suit both conservatives and radicals led to the fact that transformations in the country’s economy never began. Nor was a political settlement of interethnic contradictions achieved, which ultimately destroyed the “strong, mighty, indestructible” Soviet Union.
In 2016, the politician admitted his own responsibility for the collapse of the Soviet Union. This happened at a meeting with students at the Moscow School of Economics of Moscow State University. In the same year, Mikhail Gorbachev was banned from entering the territory of Ukraine. In September 2017, he presented a new autobiographical book, “I Remain an Optimist,” in which, along with stories from the politician’s biography, harsh criticism was made modern Russia, political and social situation in the country.
Awards of Mikhail Gorbachev
Knight of the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called (Russian Federation)
Knight of the Order of Honor
Knight of the Order of Lenin
Knight of the Order of the October Revolution
Knight of the Order of the Red Banner of Labor
Knight of the Order of the Badge of Honor
Medal "For Labor Valor"
Medal "For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth"
Awarded the Philadelphia Medal of Freedom
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the White Lion
Commander of the French Order of Arts and Letters
Knight of the Order of Christopher Columbus
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Agatha
Knight Grand Cross of the Portuguese Order of Liberty
Knight Grand Cross of the Special Class of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Literary creativity of Mikhail Gorbachev
"A Time for Peace" (1985). Published by Richardson & Steirman & Black
"The Coming Century of Peace" (1986)
"Peace has no alternative" (1986)
"Moratorium" (1986)
"Selected Speeches and Articles" (vols. 1-7, 1986-1990)
“Perestroika and new thinking for our country and for the whole world” (1st ed. - 1987)
“August putsch. Causes and Effects" (1991)
“December-91. My position" (1992)
"Years of Hard Decisions" (1993)
“Life and Reforms” (2 vols., 1995)
“Reformers are never happy” (dialogue with Zdenek Mlynar, in Czech, 1995)
“I want to warn you...” (1996)
“Moral Lessons of the 20th Century” in 2 volumes (dialogue with D. Ikeda, in Japanese, German, French, 1996)
"Reflections on the October Revolution" (1997)
“New thinking. Politics in the era of globalization" (co-authored with V. Zagladin and A. Chernyaev, in German, 1997)
"Reflections on the Past and Future" (1998)
"The Way It Was: German Reunification" (1999)
“Understand perestroika... Why is it important now” (2006)
Gorbachev M. S., Ivanchenko A. V., Lebedev A. E. (eds.) “Legislative regulation of the status of bodies state power V Russian Federation. National Center for Monitoring Democratic Procedures", (2007),
“Mikhail Gorbachev and the German Question” Sat. documents. 1986-1991 / comp. A.A. Galkin, A.S. Chernyaev. - M.: Ves Mir, 2006. - 696 p.
"Alone with myself". - M.: Green Street, 2012. - 816 p.
"After the Kremlin." - M.: Ves Mir, 2014. - 416 p.
“Gorbachev in life” / comp. K. Karagezyan, V. Polyakov. - 2nd ed. - M.: Ves Mir, 2017. - 752 p.
Gorbachev M.S., “I remain an optimist”, (2017).
Family of Mikhail Gorbachev
His wife, Raisa Maksimovna Gorbacheva (née Titarenko), died at the age of 67, in 1999, from leukemia. She lived and worked in Moscow for more than 30 years.
Daughter - Irina Mikhailovna Virganskaya (born January 6, 1957), works in Moscow, first husband Anatoly Olegovich Virgansky (born July 31, 1957) is a vascular surgeon at the Moscow First City Hospital (marriage from April 15, 1978 to 1993), second husband Andrei Mikhailovich Trukhachev is a businessman, engaged in transportation (marriage since September 26, 2006).
Ksenia Anatolyevna Virganskaya-Gorbacheva (born January 21, 1980).
Anastasia Anatolyevna Virganskaya (born March 27, 1987).