Council of Ministers of the USSR after the death of Stalin. How many general secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee were there in the USSR?

General Secretaries of the USSR in chronological order

General secretaries of the USSR in chronological order. Today they are simply part of history, but once upon a time their faces were familiar to every single inhabitant of the vast country. Politic system in the Soviet Union was such that citizens did not elect their leaders. The decision to appoint the next secretary general was made by the ruling elite. But, nevertheless, the people respected government leaders and, for the most part, took this state of affairs as a given.

Joseph Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili (Stalin)

Joseph Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili, better known as Stalin, was born on December 18, 1879 in the Georgian city of Gori. Became the first General Secretary of the CPSU. He received this position in 1922, when Lenin was still alive, and until the latter’s death he played a minor role in government.

When Vladimir Ilyich died, the race for the highest post began serious fight. Many of Stalin's competitors had a much better chance of taking over, but thanks to tough, uncompromising actions, Joseph Vissarionovich managed to emerge victorious. Most of the other applicants were physically destroyed, and some left the country.

In just a few years of rule, Stalin took the entire country into a tight grip. By the beginning of the 30s, he finally established himself as the sole leader of the people. The dictator's policies went down in history:

· mass repressions;

· total dispossession;

· collectivization.

For this, Stalin was branded by his own followers during the “thaw”. But there is also something for which Joseph Vissarionovich, according to historians, is worthy of praise. This is, first of all, the rapid transformation of a collapsed country into an industrial and military giant, as well as the victory over fascism. It is quite possible that if the “cult of personality” had not been so condemned by everyone, these achievements would have been unrealistic. Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin died on the fifth of March 1953.

Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev

Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev was born on April 15, 1894 in the Kursk province (Kalinovka village) into a simple working-class family. He took part in the Civil War, where he took the side of the Bolsheviks. Member of the CPSU since 1918. At the end of the 30s he was appointed secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine.

Khrushchev headed the Soviet state shortly after Stalin's death. At first, he had to compete with Georgy Malenkov, who also aspired to the highest position and at that time was actually the leader of the country, presiding over the Council of Ministers. But in the end, the coveted chair still remained with Nikita Sergeevich.

When Khrushchev was secretary general, the Soviet country:

· launched the first man into space and developed this area in every possible way;

· was actively built up with five-story buildings, today called “Khrushchev”;

· planted the lion's share of the fields with corn, for which Nikita Sergeevich was even nicknamed “the corn farmer.”

This ruler went down in history primarily with his legendary speech at the 20th Party Congress in 1956, where he condemned Stalin and his bloody policies. From that moment on, the so-called “thaw” began in the Soviet Union, when the grip of the state was loosened, cultural figures received some freedom, etc. All this lasted until Khrushchev was removed from his post on October 14, 1964.

Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev

Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev was born in the Dnepropetrovsk region (village of Kamenskoye) on December 19, 1906. His father was a metallurgist. Member of the CPSU since 1931. He took the main post of the country as a result of a conspiracy. It was Leonid Ilyich who led the group of members of the Central Committee that removed Khrushchev.

The Brezhnev era in the history of the Soviet state is characterized as stagnation. The latter manifested itself as follows:

· the country's development has stopped in almost all areas except military-industrial;

· The USSR began to seriously lag behind Western countries;

· citizens again felt the grip of the state, repression and persecution of dissidents began.

Leonid Ilyich tried to improve relations with the United States, which had worsened during the time of Khrushchev, but he was not very successful. The arms race continued, and after the introduction Soviet troops In Afghanistan, it was impossible to even think about any reconciliation. Brezhnev held a high post until his death, which occurred on November 10, 1982.

Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov

Yuri Vladimirovich Andropov was born in the station town of Nagutskoye (Stavropol Territory) on June 15, 1914. His father was a railway worker. Member of the CPSU since 1939. He was active, which contributed to his rapid rise up the career ladder.

At the time of Brezhnev's death, Andropov headed the State Security Committee. He was elected by his comrades to the highest post. The reign of this Secretary General covers a period of less than two years. During this time, Yuri Vladimirovich managed to fight a little against corruption in power. But he didn’t accomplish anything drastic. On February 9, 1984, Andropov died. The reason for this was a serious illness.

Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko

Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko was born in 1911 on September 24 in the Yenisei province (village of Bolshaya Tes). His parents were peasants. Member of the CPSU since 1931. Since 1966 - deputy of the Supreme Council. Appointed General Secretary of the CPSU on February 13, 1984.

Chernenko continued Andropov’s policy of identifying corrupt officials. He was in power for less than a year. The cause of his death on March 10, 1985 was also a serious illness.

Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev

Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev was born on March 2, 1931 in the North Caucasus (the village of Privolnoye). His parents were peasants. Member of the CPSU since 1952. Showed himself to be active public figure. He quickly moved up the party line.

He was appointed Secretary General on March 11, 1985. He entered history with the policy of “perestroika,” which included the introduction of glasnost, the development of democracy, and the provision of certain economic freedoms and other liberties to the population. Gorbachev's reforms led to mass unemployment, the liquidation of state-owned enterprises, and a total shortage of goods. This causes an ambiguous attitude towards the ruler from citizens former USSR, which collapsed precisely during the reign of Mikhail Sergeevich.

But in the West, Gorbachev is one of the most respected Russian politicians. He was even awarded Nobel Prize peace. Gorbachev was Secretary General until August 23, 1991, and headed the USSR until December 25 of the same year.

All deceased general secretaries of the Soviet Union Socialist republics buried near the Kremlin wall. Their list was completed by Chernenko. Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev is still alive. In 2017, he turned 86 years old.

Photos of the secretaries general of the USSR in chronological order

Stalin

Khrushchev

Brezhnev

Andropov

Chernenko

Most of the population, trained by decades of Stalin's rule, was ready to sacrifice themselves following the example of the builders of the Egyptian pyramids. However, there were people in those days who, having remembered the “friend of all children” and the “father of nations,” - after taking a sip of vodka and eating a cucumber with sauerkraut - decided that now their time had come.

The first version of the post-Stalin upgrade

Beria-Malenkov-Khrushchev and Bulganin, who joined them, became the first version of the upgrade of the political and social system of the post-Stalin era.

Few people remember now, but after Stalin, the convenient comrade Malenkov took over the country, put there through the efforts of Beria. During Stalin's lifetime, Comrade Malenkov was what is now commonly called a speechwriter - in addition to the official post he held. Most of Stalin's reports in the late forties and early fifties were written by Georgy Malenkov.

It seemed to Beria and Malenkov that in order to strengthen themselves in power and not allow themselves to be devoured by the rest of the Kremlin gray wolves, it is necessary to subjugate all government structures and, most importantly, the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. They treated the party structures with short-sighted recklessness.

It was Malenkov who took the post of Chairman, and the portfolios were divided between the “comrades-in-arms” who supported him and Beria. Comrade N.S. Khrushchev did not get a government position. He was placed in an insignificant - according to the high nomenklatura criteria of that time - almost nominal post of Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

Checkmate of Nikita Khrushchev

It took Nikita Khrushchev a little less than two years to dislodge his rivals in an unusually calm manner, with the help of behind-the-scenes party games and sometimes very risky steps. And not just to displace, but to intercept and safely appropriate their almost democratic undertakings.

Thus, it was Beria who carried out a number of major industrial enterprises from the Gulag system to departmental ministries, began the process of mitigating and stopping the already launched flywheel of new repressions (the doctors’ case, etc.), implemented an amnesty and carried out the rehabilitation of several tens of hundreds of prisoners - this was a drop in the Gulag ocean, and it almost did not concern political prisoners, but it was then that hope for change arose among many thousands of innocently convicted people.

In a matter of months, he began to turn from a fiend into one of the most “liberal” reformers, but they did not hate him any less. Especially all the Kremlin assessors, since it was he who had all the strings connecting each of them and their associates with the repressions of the 30-50s.

Malenkov was the author of the idea of ​​​​debunking the cult of personality, reforming Agriculture, liberation of collective farmers from socialist slavery and the priority of light industry over heavy industry. He was generally a supporter of the ideas of the NEP.

Khrushchev, with two preventive strikes - first against Beria, and then against Malenkov - got rid of rivals who were superior to him in intelligence, but not in ambition.

It was Malenkov’s attempt to expand the governance of the country from the Stalinist model to the Leninist - collegial - when he heads the government and at the same time directs the activities of the highest bodies of the party, which played a cruel joke on him, since collegiality is possible only under democracy, and not under authoritarian totalitarianism.

At one of the meetings of the Presidium of the Central Committee, to which Malenkov came a little late, his place was taken by Khrushchev. To the interrogative remark - “we decided to return to the tradition of Lenin and I should preside as the head of the government,” - Khrushchev answered him dismissively: “What are you, Lenin?” It was from this moment that the star of the weak-willed and executive Malenkov finally fell from the Kremlin horizon.

Of course, Nikita Sergeevich did not decide on such an extravagant step out of the blue. Somewhat earlier, Malenkov’s patron Beria was appointed “an agent of international imperialism,” convicted, and executed. It was he, and not Stalin, whom Khrushchev feared even after his death, who was largely blamed for the repressions - as a conspiracy against the Soviet people. Accusations of involvement in repressions became a convenient mechanism for Khrushchev to remove all dangerous and unwanted rivals, who had to repent and then resign. This is exactly how Khrushchev removed almost everyone who had been especially close to Stalin for many years: Molotov, Kaganovich, Mikoyan and others. Why none of them tried to “bring” Khrushchev himself to the same responsibility, because his zeal in this matter was no secret to anyone - this is a question for psychoanalysts.

Khrushchev personally took advantage of Malenkov’s ideas to great benefit for himself, but mainly only in terms of debunking the cult of personality. His understanding of the economy and his surprisingly voluntaristic handling of it, ultimately, after the rapid rise prepared by Malenkov, led to an equally rapid decline, right up to the shooting of a rally in Novocherkassk in 1962. Thus, the country finally put an end to the consistently progressive economic reforms that had been planned but had not yet begun.

Zugzwang for Khrushchev

Over five years, successively, Khrushchev eliminated all of his numerous competitors, each of whom, after Stalin’s death, could lay claim to the first role in the state: from Beria to Zhukov, who had been helping him all this time.

In March 1958, the formation of a new government began in the USSR. As a result, Khrushchev achieved his appointment to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers. At the same time, he retained the position of First Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. In fact, this meant a complete victory for Khrushchev. The struggle for power after Stalin was over.

One thing Comrade Khrushchev could not take into account was that he was not the only one who knew how to weave conspiracies behind the Kremlin walls. Having eliminated from the path everyone who, like him, was a direct witness to Stalin’s death, leaving not only enemies around him, but also, if not friends, then comrades-in-arms, the last of whom was exile Zhukov, he became the victim of an absolutely identical conspiracy against him , organized by Shelepin-Semichastny-Brezhnev and Suslov and Podgorny who joined them, who were tired of Khrushchev’s poorly educated and unpredictably restless from one extreme to another, initiative idiocy.

Who ruled after Stalin in the USSR? It was Georgy Malenkov. His political biography was a truly phenomenal combination of both ups and downs. At one time, he was considered the successor to the leader of the peoples and was even the de facto leader of the Soviet state. He was one of the most experienced apparatchiks and was famous for his ability to think many moves ahead. In addition, the one who was in power after Stalin had a unique memory. On the other hand, he was expelled from the party during the Khrushchev era. They say that he has not yet been rehabilitated, unlike his associates. However, the one who ruled after Stalin was able to withstand all this and remain faithful to his cause to death. Although, they say, in his old age he overestimated a lot...

Career start

Georgy Maximilianovich Malenkov was born in 1901 in Orenburg. His father worked on the railroad. Despite the fact that noble blood flowed in his veins, he was considered a rather minor employee. His ancestors came from Macedonia. The grandfather of the Soviet leader chose the army path, was a colonel, and his brother was a rear admiral. The party leader’s mother was the daughter of a blacksmith.

In 1919, after graduating from a classical gymnasium, Georgy was drafted into the Red Army. On next year he joined the Bolshevik Party, becoming a political worker for an entire squadron.

After the Civil War, he studied at the Bauman School, but, having quit his studies, began working in the Organizing Bureau of the Central Committee. It was 1925.

Five years later, under the patronage of L. Kaganovich, he began to head the organizational department of the capital city committee of the CPSU (b). Note that Stalin really liked this young official. He was intelligent and devoted to the General Secretary...

Malenkov selection

In the second half of the 30s, purges of the opposition took place in the capital's party organization, which became a prelude to future political repressions. It was Malenkov who then led this “selection” of the party nomenklatura. Later, with the sanction of the functionary, almost all the old communist cadres were repressed. He himself came to the regions in order to intensify the fight against “enemies of the people.” Sometimes he witnessed interrogations. True, the functionary, in fact, was only an executor of the direct instructions of the leader of the peoples.

On the roads of war

When the Great Patriotic War broke out, Malenkov managed to show his organizational talent. He had to professionally and fairly quickly resolve many economic and personnel issues. He always supported developments in the tank and missile industries. In addition, it was he who gave Marshal Zhukov the opportunity to stop the seemingly inevitable collapse of the Leningrad Front.

In 1942, this party leader ended up in Stalingrad and was involved, among other things, in organizing the defense of the city. By his order urban population began to evacuate.

In the same year, thanks to his efforts, the Astrakhan defensive region was strengthened. Thus, modern boats and other watercraft appeared in the Volga and Caspian flotillas.

Later he took an active part in preparing the battle on Kursk Bulge, after which he focused on the restoration of the liberated territories, heading the corresponding committee.

Post-war time

Malenkov Georgy Maximilianovich began to turn into the second figure in the country and party.

When the war ended, he dealt with issues related to the dismantling of German industry. By and large, this work was constantly criticized. The fact is that many of the influential departments tried to get this equipment. As a result, a corresponding commission was created, which adopted unexpected decision. German industry was no longer dismantled, and enterprises that were based in the territories of East Germany began to produce goods for the Soviet Union as reparations.

Rise of a functionary

In mid-autumn 1952, the Soviet leader instructed Malenkov to deliver a report at the next congress of the Communist Party. Thus, the party functionary was essentially presented as Stalin’s successor.

Apparently, the leader nominated him as a compromise figure. It suited both the party leadership and the security forces.

A few months later, Stalin was no longer alive. And Malenkov, in turn, became the head of the Soviet government. Of course, before him this post was occupied by the deceased Secretary General.

Malenkov reforms

Malenkov's reforms began literally immediately. Historians also call them “perestroika” and believe that this reform could greatly change the entire structure of the national economy.

The head of government in the period after Stalin's death announced a completely new life to the people. He promised that the two systems - capitalism and socialism - would coexist peacefully. He was the first leader of the Soviet Union to warn against atomic weapons. In addition, he intended to put an end to the policy of the cult of personality by moving to collective leadership of the state. He recalled that the late leader criticized members of the Central Committee for the cult planted around him. True, there was no significant reaction to this proposal from the new prime minister at all.

In addition, the one who ruled after Stalin and before Khrushchev decided to lift a number of bans - on border crossings, foreign press, customs transit. Unfortunately, the new head tried to present this policy as a natural continuation of the previous course. That is why Soviet citizens, in fact, not only did not pay attention to “perestroika”, but also did not remember it.

Decline of a career

By the way, it was Malenkov, as the head of government, who came up with the idea of ​​halving the remuneration of party officials, that is, the so-called. "envelopes". By the way, before him, Stalin also proposed the same thing shortly before his death. Now, thanks to the corresponding resolution, this initiative was implemented, but it caused even greater irritation on the part of the party nomenklatura, including N. Khrushchev. As a result, Malenkov was removed from office. And his entire “perestroika” was practically curtailed. At the same time, “ration” bonuses for officials were restored.

Nevertheless, the former head of government remained in the cabinet. He led all Soviet power plants, which began to operate much more successfully and efficiently. Malenkov also promptly resolved issues related to the social welfare of employees, workers and their families. Accordingly, all this increased his popularity. Although she was tall without it. But in the middle of the summer of 1957, he was “exiled” to the hydroelectric power station in Ust-Kamenogorsk, in Kazakhstan. When he arrived there, the whole city rose to greet him.

Three years later, the former minister headed the thermal power plant in Ekibastuz. And also upon arrival, many people appeared carrying his portraits...

Many did not like his well-deserved fame. And the very next year, the one who was in power after Stalin was expelled from the party and sent into retirement.

Last years

Once retired, Malenkov returned to Moscow. He retained some privileges. In any case, he bought food in a special store for party officials. But, despite this, he periodically went to his dacha in Kratovo by train.

And in the 80s, those who ruled after Stalin unexpectedly turned to the Orthodox faith. This was, perhaps, his last “turn” of fate. Many saw him in the temple. In addition, he periodically listened to radio programs about Christianity. He also became a reader in churches. By the way, during these years he lost a lot of weight. This is probably why no one touched him or recognized him.

He passed away at the very beginning of January 1988. He was buried at the Novokuntsevo churchyard in the capital. Note that he was buried according to Christian rites. There were no reports of his death in the Soviet media of those times. But in Western periodicals there were obituaries. And very extensive...

Historians call the dates of Stalin's reign from 1929 to 1953. Joseph Stalin (Dzhugashvili) was born on December 21, 1879. Many contemporaries of the Soviet era associate the years of Stalin’s reign not only with the victory over Nazi Germany and the increasing level of industrialization of the USSR, but also with numerous repressions of the civilian population.

During Stalin's reign, about 3 million people were imprisoned and sentenced to death. death penalty. And if we add to them those sent into exile, dispossessed and deported, then the victims among the civilian population in the Stalin era can be counted at about 20 million people. Now many historians and psychologists are inclined to believe that Stalin’s character was greatly influenced by the situation within the family and his upbringing in childhood.

The emergence of Stalin's tough character

It is known from reliable sources that Stalin’s childhood was not the happiest and most cloudless. The leader's parents often argued in front of their son. The father drank a lot and allowed himself to beat his mother in front of little Joseph. The mother, in turn, took out her anger on her son, beat and humiliated him. The unfavorable atmosphere in the family greatly affected Stalin's psyche. Even as a child, Stalin understood a simple truth: whoever is stronger is right. This principle became the future leader’s motto in life. He was also guided by him in governing the country.

In 1902, Joseph Vissarionovich organized a demonstration in Batumi, this step was his first in political career. A little later, Stalin became the Bolshevik leader, and his circle of best friends includes Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (Ulyanov). Stalin fully shares Lenin's revolutionary ideas.

In 1913, Joseph Vissarionovich Dzhugashvili first used his pseudonym - Stalin. From that time on, he became known by this last name. Few people know that before the surname Stalin, Joseph Vissarionovich tried on about 30 pseudonyms that never caught on.

Stalin's reign

The period of Stalin's reign begins in 1929. Almost the entire reign of Joseph Stalin was accompanied by collectivization, mass death of civilians and famine. In 1932, Stalin adopted the “three ears of corn” law. According to this law, a starving peasant who stole ears of wheat from the state was immediately subject to capital punishment - execution. All saved bread in the state was sent abroad. This was the first stage of industrialization of the Soviet state: the purchase of modern foreign-made equipment.

During the reign of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, massive repressions of the peaceful population of the USSR were carried out. The repressions began in 1936, when the post of People's Commissar of Internal Affairs of the USSR was taken by N.I. Yezhov. In 1938, on the orders of Stalin, his close friend Bukharin was shot. During this period, many residents of the USSR were exiled to the Gulag or shot. Despite all the cruelty of the measures taken, Stalin's policy was aimed at raising the state and its development.

Pros and cons of Stalin's rule

Minuses:

• strict board policy:
• the almost complete destruction of senior army ranks, intellectuals and scientists (who thought differently from the USSR government);
• repression of wealthy peasants and the religious population;
• the widening “gap” between the elite and the working class;
• oppression of the civilian population: payment for labor in food instead of monetary remuneration, working day up to 14 hours;
• propaganda of anti-Semitism;
• about 7 million starvation deaths during the period of collectivization;
• the flourishing of slavery;
• selective development of sectors of the economy of the Soviet state.

Pros:

• creation of a protective nuclear shield in the post-war period;
• increasing the number of schools;
• creation of children's clubs, sections and circles;
• space exploration;
• reduction in prices for consumer goods;
• low prices for utilities;
• development of industry of the Soviet state on the world stage.

During the Stalin era it was formed social system USSR, social, political and economic institutions appeared. Joseph Vissarionovich completely abandoned the NEP policy and, at the expense of the village, carried out the modernization of the Soviet state. Thanks to the strategic qualities of the Soviet leader, the USSR won the Second World War. The Soviet state began to be called a superpower. The USSR joined the UN Security Council. The era of Stalin's rule ended in 1953. He was replaced as Chairman of the USSR Government by N. Khrushchev.

Lavrentiy Pylych Beria
Didn't justify the trust.
Remained from Beria
Just fluff and feathers.

(folk ditty 1953)

How the country said goodbye to Stalin.

During his lifetime, Stalin appeared in the Soviet state, where atheism denied any religion - an “earthly god.” Hence his “sudden” death was perceived by millions of people as a tragedy on a universal scale. Or, in any case, the collapse of all life until this Judgment Day - March 5, 1953.

“I wanted to think: what will happen to all of us now?” the front-line writer I. Ehrenburg recalled his feelings that day. “But I couldn’t think. I experienced what many of my compatriots probably experienced then: numbness.” Then there was a nationwide funeral, a nationwide mourning of millions of Soviet citizens, unprecedented in scale in world history. How did the country cope with this death? This was best described in poetry by the poetess O. Berggolts, who lost her husband during the repressions after serving time on false charges:

“My heart bleeds...
Our beloved, our dear!
Grabbing your headboard
The Motherland is crying over You.”

A 4-day mourning period was declared in the country. The coffin with Stalin's body was carried into the Mausoleum, over the entrance to which two names were inscribed: LENIN and STALIN. The end of Stalin's funeral was heralded by lingering beeps at factories across the country, from Brest to Vladivostok and Chukotka. Later, the poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko said about this: “They say that this multi-tube howl, from which the blood ran cold, resembled the hellish cry of a dying mythical monster...”. The atmosphere of general shock, the expectation that life could suddenly change for the worse, hovered in the public atmosphere.

However, there were other moods caused by the death of the seemingly immortal Leader. “Well, this one has died...” Uncle Vanya, a legless disabled medal-bearer, addressed his 13-year-old neighbor, who had brought her felt boots to be repaired and then seriously pondered for two days whether she should go to the police or not” (Quoted from Alekseevich. S. Enchanted by Death .).

Millions of prisoners and exiles, languishing in camps and living in settlements, received this news joyfully. “Oh joy and triumph!” the exiled Oleg Volkov later described his feelings at that time. “The long night will finally dissipate over Russia. Just - God forbid! Reveal your feelings: who knows how else it will turn out?... When the exiles meet, they do not dare express their hopes, but they no longer hide their cheerful gaze. Three cheers!"

The palette of public sentiments in the country frozen by the Stalinist dictatorship was varied, but on the whole the atmosphere of general shock dominated, the expectation that life could change for the worse overnight. However, it became clear that with the death of the one who was considered a superman and an “earthly god,” power was now deprived of its divine aura. Since all of Stalin’s successors at the top looked like “mere mortals” (according to E.Yu. Zubkova).

New collective leadership headed by G. Malenkov

Stalin had not yet died, lying in an unconscious position, when his closest associates began an open and behind-the-scenes struggle for power at the very top. To some extent, the situation of the early 20s was repeated among the party leadership, when Lenin was hopelessly ill. But this time the count was in days and hours.

When on the morning of March 4, 1953, a “government message about the illness of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR ... Comrade Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin” was broadcast on Moscow radio, it was reported there, in particular, that “... the serious illness of Comrade Stalin will entail more or less less long-term non-participation in leadership activities...” And as it was further reported that government circles (party and government) “... take seriously all the circumstances associated with Comrade Stalin’s temporary departure from leading state and party activities.” This is how the party and state leadership explained to the population the convening of an urgent Plenum of the Central Committee on the distribution of power in the country and the party at the time of the incapacity of the leader who was in a coma.

According to historian Yuri Zhukov, a great expert on this issue, already on the evening of March 3, some kind of agreement was reached among Stalin’s comrades-in-arms regarding the occupation of key posts in the party and government of the country. Moreover, Stalin’s associates began to divide power among themselves, when Stalin himself was still alive, but could not stop them from doing this. Having received news from the doctors about the hopelessness of the sick leader, his comrades-in-arms began to divide their portfolios as if he were no longer alive.

The joint meeting of the plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, the Council of Ministers of the USSR and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet began its work on the evening of March 5, again when Stalin was still alive. There, power roles were redistributed as follows: the position of Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, which had previously been occupied by Stalin, was transferred to G. M. Malenkov, who, in fact, from now on acted as the No. 1 figure in the country and represented it abroad.

Malenkov’s first deputies were L.P. Beria, V.M. Molotov, N.I. Bulganin, L.M. Kaganovich. However, for a number of reasons, Malenkov did not become the new sole leader of the party and state. Politically “clever” and the most educated, Malenkov, due to his personal qualities, was not capable of becoming a new dictator, which cannot be said about his political “ally” - Beria.

But the power pyramid itself, which had developed under Stalin, has now undergone decisive changes by his comrades-in-arms, who no longer took into account the will of the leader who passed away late in the evening (at 21.50 Moscow time) on March 5. The distribution of key roles in power structures was carried out privately, with Beria and Malenkov playing the main role in this. According to the historian R. Pihoy (who has worked well archival documents), back on March 4, Beria sent Malenkov a note in which the most important government posts were distributed in advance, which were approved at the meeting next day 5th of March.

The Stalinist secretariat, elected at the 19th Congress, was abolished. The Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, consisting of 25 members and 10 candidates, was reduced to 10 members (consisting of Malenkov, Beria, Voroshilov, Khrushchev, Bulganin, Kaganovich, Saburov, Pervukhin, Molotov and Mikoyan) and 4 candidates; most of them entered the government.

Younger Stalinist promoters were immediately relegated to the background. This, like the very fact of the return of Molotov, previously disgraced, to the political Olympus under Stalin (he was returned to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR) was a kind of sign of the beginning of the rejection of Stalin’s last political reshuffles. According to Yuri Zhukov, the inclusion of Molotov required the expansion of a new narrow leadership to the “five” - Malenkov, Beria, Molotov, Bulganin, Kaganovich. This organization of power was subsequently presented as “collective leadership,” which was largely temporary in nature, formed on the basis of a balance of conflicting views and interests of the then top leadership.

L. Beria gained enormous power and headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs, united after the merger of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of State Security, which became a kind of super-ministry that also carried out a number of national economic tasks. The well-known political figure of the Soviet era, O. Troyanovsky, in his memoirs gives the following description: “Although immediately after Stalin’s death, Malenkov was considered the number one figure as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, in fact, Beria played the leading role. I never encountered him directly, but I knew from eyewitness accounts that he was an immoral man who did not disdain any means to achieve his goals, but had an extraordinary mind and great organizational abilities. Relying on Malenkov, and sometimes on some other members of the Presidium of the Central Committee, he consistently worked to consolidate his leadership.”

N.S. became the third key figure in the collective leadership, after Malenkov and Beria. Khrushchev, who is already in last years Stalin's rule had great political influence.

In fact, already in March 1953, 3 main centers were formed in the highest echelons of the party, headed by Stalin’s associates - Malenkov, Beria, Khrushchev. In this struggle, everyone relied on and exploited their own nomenklatura capabilities associated with the peculiarities of the situation in the party-state system. Malenkov’s base was the government of the country, Beria’s base was the security agencies, Khrushchev’s was the party apparatus (Pyzhikov A.V.).

In the established triumvirate (Malenkov, Beria and Khrushchev), Beria became the second person in the state. Beria, now heading all the all-powerful punitive agencies in the country, had all the necessary information - a dossier on all his associates, which could be used in the fight against his political competitors (Zhilenkov M.). From the very beginning, the triumvirators began to carefully revise Stalin's policies, starting with the refusal of sole decision-making. Moreover, the key role in this was played by Malenkov and Beria, and not Khrushchev, as is commonly believed.

Already in Malenkov’s funeral speech at Stalin’s funeral on March 9, 1953, which spoke about foreign policy problems, there appeared an “untraditional” idea for the Stalin era about “the possibility of long-term coexistence and peaceful competition between two various systems- capitalist and socialist." In domestic policy Malenkov saw the main task as “steadily achieving further improvement in the material well-being of workers, collective farmers, intelligentsia, and all Soviet people” (quoted from Yu.V. Aksyutin).

The day after Stalin’s funeral (March 10), Malenkov invited the ideological secretaries of the Central Committee M.A. Suslov and P.N. Pospelov, as well as the editor-in-chief of Pravda D.T., to an extraordinary closed meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee. Shepilov. At this meeting, Malenkov told everyone present about the need to “stop the policy of the cult of personality and move on to the collective leadership of the country,” reminding members of the Central Committee how Stalin himself strongly criticized them for the cult implanted around him (quoted from Openkin L.A.). This was the very first stone thrown by Malenkov to debunk Stalin’s personality cult, followed by others. Already from March 20, 1953, Stalin’s name ceased to be mentioned in the headlines of newspaper articles, and his citations were sharply reduced.

Malenkov himself voluntarily withdrew part of his powers when, on March 14, 1953, he resigned from the post of Secretary of the Central Committee, transferring this post to Khrushchev. This to some extent divided the party and state authorities, and, of course, strengthened the position of Khrushchev, who gained control over the party apparatus. However, at that time the center of gravity was greater in the government apparatus of the Council of Ministers than in the party Central Committee, which of course did not please Khrushchev.

The socio-economic program of the triumvirate received in the first official report of G.M. Malenkova at the meeting of the fourth session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on March 15, 1953. From Malenkov’s speech: “The law for our government is the obligation to relentlessly care for the welfare of the people, for the maximum satisfaction of their material and cultural needs...” (“Izvestia” 1953).

This was the first test of strength in further correction of the Stalinist model economic development, with its traditional priority in favor of heavy and military industries. In 1953, the mandatory minimum production of workdays on collective farms, introduced in May 1939, was abolished.

Beria - the mysterious reformer

Lavrentiy Beria began to show even greater reformist ardor. He, being a power-hungry and cynical man, at the same time, of course, had great organizational talent, probably one of the best in the post-war USSR. On March 27 of this year, on his initiative (Beria wrote a note on amnesty to the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee on March 26), an amnesty was announced for prisoners whose sentence did not exceed 5 years, as well as minors, women with children and pregnant women. A total of 1.2 million prisoners were released (except for political prisoners convicted of “counter-revolutionary crimes”), although this immediately had a negative impact on the crime rate, which literally jumped in the cities.

Due to the increasing number of crimes, units were brought into Moscow internal troops, horse patrols appeared (Geller M.Ya. Nekrich A.M.). On April 2, Beria submitted a note to the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, in which it was clear that the charges against S. Mikhoels were falsified, and he himself was killed. The note actually named Stalin, Abakumov, Abakumov’s deputy Ogoltsov and former Minister of State Security of Belarus Tsanava as the organizers of his murder. This was the first serious accusation against the divine idol, Stalin.

On April 4, the “case of poisoning doctors” was discontinued, and a week later the Central Committee of the CPSU adopted a resolution “On violation of laws by state security bodies,” thereby opening the possibility of reconsidering many cases. On April 10, 1953, again on the initiative of Beria, the Central Committee of the CPSU cancels the previously adopted decisions to justify the repressed and completely closes the so-called “Mingrelian case” (Resolutions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks of November 9, 1951, and March 27, 1952). It was on Beria’s initiative that the dismantling of Stalin’s Gulag began. The largest “great construction projects” built by the hands of prisoners were abandoned, such as Railway Salekhard-Igarka in the tundra, Karakum Canal and underwater tunnel(13 km) to Sakhalin. The Special Meeting under the Minister of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor's Office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs troops were liquidated, the Supreme Court received the right to review decisions in cases of special jurisdiction (“troikas”, the Special Meeting and the boards of the OGPU).

On April 4, Beria signed an order that prohibited the use, as it was written in this document, of “savage “interrogation methods” - brutal beatings of those arrested, round-the-clock use of handcuffs on hands turned behind the back, prolonged sleep deprivation, imprisonment of those arrested in undressed to a cold punishment cell." As a result of these tortures, the defendants were driven to moral depression, and “sometimes to the loss of human appearance.” “Taking advantage of this condition of the arrested,” the order said, “the falsifying investigators slipped them prefabricated “confessions” about anti-Soviet and espionage-terrorist activities” (quoted by R. Pihoya).

Another part of Beria's mass amnesty policy was the decree of May 20, 1953, which lifted passport restrictions for citizens released from prison, allowing them to find work in large cities. These restrictions, according to various estimates, affected three million people (Zhilenkov M.).

The April revelations of illegal state security practices, coupled with the death of the main architect of repression, Stalin, caused a lively protest response in the camps and exiles, as well as among the relatives of prisoners. Complaints and petitions for reconsideration of cases literally poured in from all over the country to newspaper editorial offices, the prosecutor's office and party bodies. There was unrest in the camps themselves. On May 26, 1953, an uprising broke out in Norilsk Gorlag, which was brutally suppressed by troops, and the number of those killed was several hundred people.

Beria knew firsthand about the nationalist underground in the western republics of the USSR, since he long years he was mercilessly suppressed. Now he proposed more flexible methods in national politics, such as: indigenization, partial decentralization of the union republics, some allowance for national and cultural characteristics. Here his innovation was expressed in proposals for a broader replacement of Russians in leadership positions in the Union republics with national personnel; the establishment of national orders and even the possibility of creating national military units. In an atmosphere of intense political struggle for power in the Kremlin, Beria, thus, also expected to receive support and support from the national elites in the union republics of the USSR. Subsequently, such Beria initiatives on the national question were regarded as “bourgeois-nationalist”, as inciting “enmity and discord” between the peoples of the USSR.

The omnipresent Beria tried to carry out reforms in foreign policy. He was clearly trying to end the emerging “cold war” with the West, the fault for starting which, in his opinion, lay with the inflexible Stalin. His boldest proposal was to unite Germany from its two parts - the eastern (under the control of Soviet troops) and the western - controlled by the Anglo-Americans, allowing a single German state to be non-socialist! Such a radical proposal by Beria was met with objection only by Molotov. Beria also believed that socialism along the Soviet model should not be rapidly imposed in other countries of Eastern Europe.

He also tried to restore relations with Yugoslavia, which had been damaged under Stalin. Beria believed that the break with Tito was a mistake, and planned to correct it. “Let the Yugoslavs build what they want” (according to S. Kremlev).

The fact that the partial dismantling of the punitive system began to be actively carried out by Beria with the support of Malenkov and other high-ranking members of the party and Soviet leadership today does not raise any doubts in anyone. The debate is based on Beria’s “liberal” reformism. Why did the main “punisher of the country” of recent decades turn out to be the most “liberal” of all Stalin’s associates? Traditionally, many authors and biographers (mostly of the liberal camp) of Beria were inclined to consider his reform initiatives solely as the desire of the initially “vicious villain and intriguer” to wash away the image of the main “Stalinist executioner.”

Of course, such motives were present in the real, and not the “mythological-demonic” Beria (as he was represented in the 90s). However, it would be wrong to explain all of Beria’s reformism in the short period of 1953 with these motives. Even during Stalin’s lifetime, he more than once expressed the enormous danger for the country in continuing the course of “tightening the screws” and especially the super-exploitation of the collective farm peasantry. However, being a careful and diligent person, Beria carried out all Stalin’s instructions as energetically and efficiently as possible, which earned him the respect of the “master”.

But with the passing of the charismatic Stalin, Beria, being the person most knowledgeable about the mood of Soviet citizens, well understood the need to abandon many of the most odious repressive features of the Stalinist system. The country, compressed like a spring, living for a long time under wartime laws, was in dire need of respite and, finally, easier life.

At the same time, he, as a strong, power-hungry personality, certainly laid claim to the role of Stalin's main successor. But to do this, he had to bypass his many rivals in the collective leadership, especially such political heavyweights as Malenkov (to whom he was formally subordinate). And it was possible to bypass them only by seizing the initiative for reformatory changes in the country. And Beria did this well at first.

In fact, under the weak-willed Malenkov, Beria became the shadow ruler of the country, which, of course, could not but cause deep discontent among many of his “comrades-in-arms.” The very logic of the struggle that unfolded in the highest echelons of power indicated that it was necessary to eliminate a dangerous rival who could turn into a “new Stalin.” It is not surprising that yesterday’s political comrades of Beria (especially Malenkov) are joining forces to bring down the most dangerous political figure, Beria, through a conspiracy.

Neither ideological disputes, nor possibly different opinions on the further development of the USSR or its foreign policy were not the motive for this game; the decisive role here was played by fear of Beria and the secret police belonging to him (E.A. Prudnikova). The leaders from the collective leadership were very concerned about Beria’s plans to curtail the influence of the party and subordinate party structures to government bodies, and those, in turn, to the all-powerful Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

As evidenced by documents of that time, the leading role in the conspiracy against Beria was played by Khrushchev and Malenkov, relying on the party activists and all members of the Presidium of the Central Committee. It was they who brought into action the most significant political component - the army, or rather the military leadership, and, above all, Marshals N.A. Bulganin and G.K. Zhukov (Alexey Pozharov). June 26, 1953 during a meeting of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, which then developed into a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, since all its members were present.

At this meeting, Khrushchev voiced accusations against Beria: of revisionism, an “anti-socialist approach” to the situation in the GDR, and even of espionage for Great Britain in the 20s. When Beria tried to protest the charges, he was arrested by a group of generals led by Marshal Zhukov.

Hot on its heels, the investigation and trial of the all-powerful marshal from Lubyanka began. Along with Beria’s real crimes in organizing “illegal repressions” (which, by the way, were organized by all his “accusers”), Beria was charged with a whole set of standard charges for that time: espionage for foreign states, his hostile activities aimed at eliminating the Soviet workers peasant system, the desire for the restoration of capitalism and the restoration of the rule of the bourgeoisie, as well as moral decay, abuse of power (Politburo and the Beria case. Collection of documents).

His closest associates from the security agencies ended up in the “Beria gang”: Merkulov V.N., Kobulov B.Z. Goglidze S.A., Meshik P.Ya., Dekanozov V.G., Vlodzimirsky L.E. They were also repressed.

From Beria’s last words at the trial on December 23, 1953: “I have already shown the court what I plead guilty to. I hid my service in the Musavatist counter-revolutionary intelligence service for a long time. However, I declare that, even while serving there, I did nothing harmful. I fully admit my moral and everyday decay. The numerous relationships with women mentioned here disgrace me as a citizen and former party member. ... Recognizing that I am responsible for the excesses and distortions of socialist legality in 1937-1938, I ask the court to take into account that I did not have any selfish or hostile goals. The reason for my crimes is the situation of that time. ... I do not consider myself guilty of trying to disorganize the defense of the Caucasus during the Great Patriotic War. When sentencing me, I ask you to carefully analyze my actions, not to consider me as a counter-revolutionary, but to apply to me only those articles of the Criminal Code that I really deserve.” (Quoted from Janibekyan V.G.).

Beria was shot on the same day, December 23, in the bunker of the headquarters of the Moscow Military District in the presence of the USSR Prosecutor General R. A. Rudenko. The first shot, on his own initiative, was fired from his personal weapon by Colonel General (later Marshal of the Soviet Union) P. F. Batitsky (according to the memoirs of prosecutor A. Antonov-Ovseenko). As in the recent past, the massive demonization of Beria’s image in the Soviet press caused violent indignation among Soviet citizens, who literally began to compete with each other in the sophistication of branding the “fierce enemy” more strongly. That's how gr. Alekseev (Dnepropetrovsk region) expressed his righteous anger about Beria in poetic form:

"I don't ask, I demand by right
Wipe you snake off the face of the earth.
You raised the sword to my honor and glory,
Let it fall on your head." (TsKhSD. F.5. Op. 30. D.4.).

Beria turned out to be a convenient scapegoat for everyone, especially for his comrades, who also had blood on their hands. It was Beria who was blamed for almost all the crimes of the Stalin era. Especially the destruction of the leading cadres of the party. They say that it was he who, having ingratiated himself into Stalin’s trust, deceived the “great leader.” Acting through Stalin, Beria killed many innocent people.

It is significant that at that moment Stalin was beyond criticism. According to A. Mikoyan, who commented on the time before the 20th Congress of the CPSU (1956): “We did not immediately give the correct assessment of Stalin. Stalin died, we didn’t criticize him for two years... We didn’t psychologically reach such criticism then.”

Khrushchev vs. Malenkov

The fall of Beria marked the end of the first triumvirate. The prestige and influence of Khrushchev, the main organizer of the anti-Beria conspiracy, increased significantly. Malenkov had lost his support in party circles and was now increasingly dependent on Khrushchev, who relied on the party apparatus. Khrushchev could not yet dictate his decisions, but Malenkov could no longer act without Khrushchev’s consent. Both still needed each other (Geller M.Ya., Nekrich A.M.).

The struggle between the two political heavyweights took place over socio-economic programs. The initiator of the new course was initially G. Malenkov. In August 1953, Malenkov formulated new course, which provided for the social reorientation of the economy and the priority development of light industry (group “B”).

On August 8, 1953, Malenkov made a speech at the VI session of the USSR Supreme Council in which he noted the poor state of agriculture and called: “The urgent task is to sharply increase the population’s supply of food and industrial goods - meat, within two to three years, fish, butter, sugar, confectionery products, clothes, shoes, dishes, furniture.” In his speech, Malenkov proposed halving the agricultural tax for collective farmers, writing off arrears from previous years, and also changing the principle of taxation of village residents.

The new prime minister also called for changing the attitude towards the personal farming of collective farmers, expanding housing construction, and developing trade turnover and retail trade. In addition, significantly increase investment in the development of the light, food, and fishing industries.

Malenkov’s proposals, fateful for millions of the people, were accepted. The fifth five-year plan that began in 1951 was eventually revised in favor of light industry. During the transformations, the size of collective farmers' personal plots increased 5 times, and the tax on them was halved. All old debts from collective farmers were written off. As a result, over 5 years the village began to produce 1.5 times more food. This made Malenkov the most popular politician of that time among the people. And the peasants even had a story that Malenkov was “Lenin’s nephew” (Yuri Borisenok). At the same time, Malenkov’s economic course was cautiously perceived by the party and economic elite, brought up on the Stalinist approach of “heavy industry at any cost.” Malenkov’s opponent was Khrushchev, who at that time defended a slightly adjusted old Stalinist policy, but in favor of the preferential development of group “A”. “Narodnik” Khrushchev (as Stalin once called him) was much more conservative in his political programs than Beria and Malenkov at the time.

But Malenkov finally called for a fight against the privileges and bureaucracy of the party and state apparatus, noting “complete neglect of the needs of the people”, “bribery and corruption of the moral character of a communist” (Zhukov Yu. N.). Back in May 1953, on the initiative of Malenkov, a government decree was adopted that halved remuneration for party officials and eliminated the so-called. “envelopes” - additional remuneration that is not subject to accounting (Zhukov Yu.N.).

This was a serious challenge to the main owner of the country, the party apparatus. Malenkov literally played “with fire”; it is not surprising that he immediately alienated the masses of the party elite, who were accustomed to consider themselves the main administrator of state property. And this, in turn, gave N.S. Khrushchev a chance, acting as a defender of the interests of this party and economic elite and relying on it, to neutralize another competitor in the struggle for power.

Historian Yuri Zhukov cites facts indicating that party officials literally bombarded Khrushchev with requests for the return of additional payments in envelopes and an increase in their amounts. As in the 20s, rivalry between leaders was only disguised political programs, but most of all it took place between the leaders of two political forces: the government-economic apparatus, represented by Malenkov, and the party, represented by Khrushchev. Obviously, the second force was more powerful and more consolidated.

Already in August 1953, Khrushchev made a “knight’s move”, he was able to return the previously canceled “envelopes” to the party workers and returned the unpaid amounts to the party officials for 3 months. The support of bureaucrats from the Central Committee, regional committees and city committees elevated Khrushchev to the pinnacle of power. As a result, the September Plenum of the Central Committee, having restored the post of First Secretary of the Central Committee, immediately gave it to Khrushchev, his “defender”. As Khrushchev’s son-in-law Adzhubey pointed out, “he only seemed like a simple-minded person and even wanted to look like that” (Boris Sokolov).

From that time on, Khrushchev, relying on the powerful support of the party apparatus, began to confidently bypass his main rival, Malenkov. Khrushchev was now making up for lost time, trying to win the approval of the popular masses. That is why at the September (1953) Plenum of the Central Committee, Khrushchev essentially repeated Malenkov’s proposals - to support rural development and stimulate the development of light industry, but on his own behalf.

The fact that the party bureaucracy was on Khrushchev’s side and fully supported him is evidenced by this fact. In November 1953, a meeting was held in the Central Committee, in which G. Malenkov once again made a speech condemning bribery among employees of the apparatus. According to the memoirs of F. Burlatsky, there was a painful silence in the hall, “bewilderment was mixed with fear.” It was broken only by Khrushchev’s voice: “All this, of course, is true, Georgy Maximilianovich. But the apparatus is our support.” The audience responded to this remark with stormy and enthusiastic applause.

By the end of 1953, the situation in party and government circles was such that there was no longer a triumvirate, but not even a duumvirate (Malenkov and Khrushchev). Khrushchev outplayed Malenkov on the “main field” itself, becoming the head of the party, the backbone of Soviet statehood. However, Khrushchev's leadership throughout the country was not yet so obvious. The form of collective leadership was preserved, and Malenkov, as prime minister, had even greater weight in government circles. But his power and influence in the state was much inferior to the authority of Khrushchev, a more ambitious and powerful man. Khrushchev became the new leader of the entire country, in which the processes of de-Stalinization were increasingly gaining momentum.

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