More than 30 years have passed since the leader of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), Agostinho Neto, proclaimed the independence of the former Portuguese colony in Luanda, located in the fire ring of the blockade of South African and Zairian troops, detachments of mercenaries recruited around the world. But only today are many facts finally becoming public that reveal the background of those dramatic events of 1975...
HAVANA'S OWN SOLUTION
For decades, the Soviet Union was reproached for “sending Cuban troops to Angola.” However, today there is no longer any doubt that the initiative to send Cuban troops to the African country belonged to Havana. Here is the confession of former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Anatoly Adamishin: “The regular Cuban contingent appeared in Angola without our knowledge, much less permission... They pulled us in rather than we did them... But we, true to internationalist principles, did not express any special objections...”
Moscow, faced with the fact of the transfer of Cuban units to the Black Continent, faced a difficult choice. From point of view " big politics“The moment was very difficult. On the one hand, the height of the Cold War. On the other hand, there are ongoing negotiations with the United States on the limitation of strategic nuclear weapons. The Angolan “incident” could put a heavy cross on them. But nevertheless, the Soviet leadership still made the decision to provide military support to the MPLA and the Cubans, no matter how difficult it was. Moscow unequivocally confirmed its commitment to the principles of internationalism and sent its military advisers to Angola and provided the Angolan and Cuban sides with the most modern weapons.
However, today there are voices that Soviet aid was late, and in initial period the conflict was not even enough. In order not to be unfounded, I will name one of the sources. This is an article by Cuban journalist Ruben Urribarez, “Fidel's Envoys,” recently published in a Ukrainian magazine.
By the way, good article. With facts and figures. It provides detailed information about how Cuban troops were introduced into Angola, how Fidel Castro himself, without consultation with the leaders of the USSR, sent special forces to defend Luanda. It also tells how the Cubans (naturally, with the participation of the Angolans) repelled the South African invasion of Angola and defeated the troops of the opposition FNLA and UNITA.
Cuban internationalists in Angola
Only now there is a certain “chill” in the article and even a feeling of superiority over all the other participants in that campaign. Something like resentment creeps between the lines. Like, the Soviet comrades thought for a long time whether to help the MPLA and the Cubans. They delayed the supply of weapons and provided little assistance in transporting troops from Cuba to Angola. They did not provide equipment for servicing the aircraft, and sometimes they simply got in the way...
True, it is not clear what to do then with the statement (I think, completely sincere) of Fidel Castro? After all, he said that “Angola would not have had any prospects without the political, logistical and technical assistance of the USSR.”
UNSTABLE SOVIET AID?
Describing the dramatic period leading up to Angolan independence (approximately two to three months before November 11, 1975), Urribares laments the indecisiveness of the USSR, which, unlike Cuba, “was slow in sending its military specialists to the aid of the MPLA.” However, the author did not indicate where, in his opinion, it was necessary to send Soviet military personnel at that moment. To Angola? But until November 11, 1975, the date when, in accordance with the UN decision, independence was to be declared in Luanda, this country was sovereign Portuguese territory.
If the Cuban leader took responsibility and decided to secretly transfer his soldiers and officers to Angola, which was then formally still under the jurisdiction of a NATO member state, this does not mean that the Soviet Union is a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the leading nuclear power and the main force Warsaw Pact, which is in a tough confrontation with the North Atlantic Alliance, should have done the same.
In addition, Urribarez got something important wrong. He writes: “The very next day after the declaration of independence of Angola, the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee adopted a resolution on military assistance to the MPLA and the sending of military specialists to a distant African country.” Meanwhile, military translator Andrei Tokarev recalls: “On November 1, a group of Soviet military specialists, which included me, arrived on an Aeroflot flight in Brazzaville, the capital of Congo, neighboring Angola. The day before we were given farewells in Moscow, at the General Staff. We tried to provide the most up-to-date information about what is happening in Angola. The MPLA controlled the capital of the country and a number of provinces.
But this control was unreliable. Zaire, which supports the MPLA's rival FNLA, purchased Mirages from France. Raids on Luanda are possible. Therefore, our command is sending a group of specialists to that area combat use MANPADS "Strela", consisting of officers and sergeants, and with them military translators. Later, we were joined by another group of specialists in the combat use of various military equipment, with which we flew on an An-12 military transport aircraft to Luanda on November 16.”
Of course, the decision to provide military assistance to the MPLA was made in the USSR not even on the eve of November 1. By the way, Urribares himself indirectly testifies to this: “In October, a Soviet ship arrived in Port Noir (Congo, Brazzaville - S.K.), which delivered the first batch of weapons for the MPLA, which included 10 BRDM-2 armored vehicles, 12 76- mm guns, etc. The USSR soon promised to send a second batch, which, among other things, was supposed to contain 10 T-34 tanks, 5 BM-21 multiple launch rocket vehicles and 2 aircraft.”
But if a Soviet cargo ship with weapons arrived in the Congo already in October, it means that it left the USSR port at least two weeks before! How long did it take to deliver weapons and ammunition from warehouses to the Soviet port and load them (BRDM, guns, shells and explosives are not coal or grain, caution and secrecy are needed here)? At least a month. I'm not even talking about the time spent coordinating this decision among many military and civilian departments. Only an appropriate decision at the highest level could move this entire huge bureaucratic machine. And this is precisely the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. What happens? This means that the decision on massive supplies of weapons to the MPLA was made at least two to three months before November 11. That is, already at the end of the summer of 1975.
And here's what's interesting. It was at this time that the first Cuban volunteers appeared in Angola! In Urribarez’s article we read: “By the end of August, the Cuban military mission in Angola was already operating in Luanda. It was led by Colonel Raul Diaz Aruelhas, better known under the pseudonym Domingo da Silva. Several hundred instructors were expected to arrive from Liberty Island, who were supposed to begin training local fighters...”
Soviet "instructors"
This means that at the end of August 1975, Havana was just preparing to transfer the first “instructors” to Angola (no one should be misled by this word - these were real fighters who later took part in fierce battles with Zairian commandos and South African soldiers), and in one of USSR ports were already loading weapons for supplies to Angola. They may object to me: “These weapons were intended for the MPLA, not for the Cubans.” And formally they will be right.
Cuban special forces "Black Wasps"
A Cuban journalist also mentions this. “Since Havana made such a decision (to send its military personnel to Angola - S.K.) without consultation with Moscow, it can count on supplies Soviet weapons so far it has not been necessary, and the Cubans decided to use their own arsenals. Various military equipment, including mortars, anti-tank guns, 115 trucks and fuel for them, accumulated on three ships. 300 instructors were also stationed there.”
Nevertheless, I can take the liberty and say: the USSR was well aware that the weapons and complex equipment supplied to Angola, supposedly for the MPLA, were intended specifically for the Cubans. At that time, the national liberation movement, whose fighters had experience mainly in guerrilla warfare, did not have personnel capable of servicing BRDMs, tanks, anti-tank guns, BM-21 MLRS, airplanes and helicopters. But the Cubans had them.
In total, from October 1975 to April 1976, 200 T-54 tanks, 50 PT-76 amphibious tanks, 70 T-34 tanks, more than 300 BTR-152, BTR-60PB, BMP-1 and BRDM-2, about 100 122-mm and 140-mm multiple launch rocket launchers BM-21 and BM-14. Long-range 122-mm D-30 howitzers, mortars, anti-aircraft guns, Strela-2 MANPADS and huge quantities of modern small arms and ammunition were also sent from the USSR to Angola. The deliveries of sophisticated aircraft also looked solid: 30 Mi-8 helicopters, 10 MiG-17F fighters and 12 MiG-21MF.
My father, Captain 1st Rank Anatoly Kolomnin, at that time worked at the General Staff of the USSR Navy and oversaw the supply of weapons through the navy to Angola. He testifies: “Despite the fact that the weapons were formally intended for the MPLA, we knew that their deliveries were “conducted in the interests of the Cubans.” And we pledged to reimburse them for the old, worn-out equipment that they transported from Cuba to Angola. Deliveries of new and most modern for that period. And practically free of charge, since the supplies were made against long-term loans provided to Cuba, mostly interest-free. Most of these loans were simply written off after a certain period of time.”
We can also give the floor to our opponents on that conflict. The coordinator of the US CIA operation to assist the Angolan opposition movements UNITA and FNLA in the period 1974–1976, John Stockwell admitted: “For seven ships from the USSR with weapons for the MPLA, there was only one of ours, and we were able to counter hundreds of flights of Soviet transport aircraft with only seven American ..."
Cuban Marines attack
Soviet weapons, I repeat, were supplied free of charge. Anatoly Adamishin noted that during the discussion necessary measures to counter the aggression of South Africa and suppress the internal armed opposition “... the approach of the Angolans and Cubans was unchanged: give (that is, weapons, and the most modern ones. - S.K.). Why not ask if everything is practically free... The debt of the Angolans to the Soviet Union was constantly increasing, the Angolans (and the Cubans too - S.K.) were not going to repay it and asked for new loans and new deferments.”
Moreover, the loan amounts were very substantial. In the first 10 years of independence from 1975 to 1985 alone, Angola (and this includes “Cuban supplies”, which amounted to approximately one third of what the USSR sent to the Angolans) received weapons worth $4.5 billion, of which about one billion occurred between 1975 and 1979.
"ALCOHOL" TOPIC
By the way, Urribares himself notes that the first MiG-17F fighters to protect the Angolan sky from South African aggressors arrived on December 26, 1975. Late? But the Cuban himself admits that until the withdrawal of South African troops from Angola in April 1976, no major air battles there was no South African or Zairian aviation.
The assembly of these aircraft, delivered by Soviet An-22s from the USSR via an air bridge (only in the first weeks of November 1975, Soviet military transport aviation, flying under the Aeroflot flag, made up to 40 flights and delivered 1098 tons of military cargo), is associated and raised by the Cuban journalist "alcohol" topic.
Here is what Urribarez writes: “Cuban pilots were eager to join the battle, but not a single fighter could take off. It seemed that a little more and we could start flying, but then the unexpected happened. As Del Pino recalled (Colonel Rafael Del Pino, deputy commander of the Cuban Air Force, in 1975–1976 commander of the Cuban aviation group in Angola. - S.K.), on the morning of January 6, 1976, he was urgently called to one of the hangars of the base, where he saw a terrible picture: almost all the Soviet engineers and technicians from the assembly team were dead or dying.”
Soon, according to Del-Pino, the Cubans discovered the reason: in the corner of the hangar there was “a 200-liter open canister of methyl alcohol.” They concluded that “the older brothers had a celebration in the evening, but with the wrong drink.” From the senior group of Soviet specialists in Angola, Major General Ponomarenko Del-Pino, who arrived at the scene of the incident, allegedly demanded that another brigade be called from the USSR instead of the deceased one and that they continue assembling aircraft, because “the war cannot wait,” “we need these aircraft as soon as possible.” .
Soviet marines in Angola
Indeed, such an emergency involving the poisoning of Soviet military personnel with low-quality alcohol in Angola did take place. This is confirmed by Andrey Tokarev, a member of the board of the Russian Union of Veterans of Angola. However, he remembers only two who died.
But the book of memory records that both of them died in February 1976, and not on January 6. This is very important for restoring the truth, since by the end of January all the MiG-17Fs had already been assembled by Soviet specialists and flown by the Cubans. Urribarez himself describes with delight the air parade held by the Angolans and Cubans on January 21, 1976: then all the fighters were in service. It was after this powerful demonstration of the strength of the new Angolan government that the Americans refused to supply their fire support aircraft to Angola.
Maybe Urribarez shouldn't have trusted Del Pino so much? After all, as subsequent events showed, he was not distinguished by decency and reliability: in May 1987, already with the rank of brigadier general, he betrayed his homeland and Fidel, flew to the United States and asked for political asylum there...
This is very sad, since Russian veterans of Angola always remember their Cuban brothers in arms with great warmth and gratitude. Our relations with them have always been cordial and trusting. I remember the characteristic gesture of the Cubans was tightly linked index fingers hands and at the same time the spoken phrase: “Russian, Cuban - friendship forever.” And these were not just words. I will never forget the slogan that struck me, written in Spanish on a Cuban T-34 tank: “We will give our blood for the Soviet!”
Cuban landing in Angola
We, internationalist warriors who went through Angola, carefully preserve the memory of those feelings and those events. It is not for nothing that at the exhibition “And the land did not turn red with the blood of Russian Angola?”, organized by the Russian Union of Angola Veterans, a large section was devoted to the feat of Cuban fighters. And its main exhibit was not the green army flask (although it was also there), from which, what to hide, we often drank the same alcohol together with the Cubans, but the Cuban banner, pierced by shrapnel, which once proudly fluttered over the never taken South African troops “Angolan Stalingrad” - the city of Quitu Cuanavale, which was heroically defended shoulder to shoulder by Angolan, Cuban and Soviet officers and soldiers.
Meeting of Cuban leader Fidel Castro with the main military adviser in Angola, Colonel General Konstantin Kurochkin.
The second half of the 20th century was marked by significant changes in the development of African states. We are talking about activation against the colonialist policies of European states. All these trends were reflected in the events that took place since 1961 in Angola.
Angola on the map of Africa: geographical location
Angola is one of the African states created after World War II. In order to navigate the situation that existed in this state throughout the second half of the 20th century, you must first understand where Angola is located on the map and what territories it borders on. The modern country is located in
It borders in the south with Namibia, which until the end of the 1980s was completely subordinate to South Africa (this is very important factor!), in the east - with Zambia. In the north and northeast there is a state border with the Democratic Western border - the Atlantic Ocean. Knowing which states Angola borders with, it will be easier for us to understand the ways of invasion of the territory of the state by foreign troops.
Reasons for the start of the war
The war in Angola did not start spontaneously. From 1950 to 1960, three different groups formed within Angolan society, which considered their task to be the struggle for the independence of the state. The problem is that they could not unite due to ideological incompatibility.
What are these groups? The first group is MPLA (stands for People's movement for the liberation of Angola) - considered Marxist ideology to be the ideal for the development of the state in the future. Perhaps Agostinho Neto (the leader of the party) did not see the ideal in the state system of the USSR, because the purely economic views of Karl Marx were slightly different from what was presented in the Union as Marxism. But the MPLA was guided by international support countries of the socialist camp.
The second group is the FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola), whose ideology was also interesting. FNLA leader Holden Roberto liked the idea of independent development, borrowed from Chinese philosophers. By the way, the activities of the FNLA posed some danger for Angola itself, because Roberto’s rise to power threatened the country with collapse. Why? Holden Roberto was a relative of the President of Zaire and promised to give him part of the territory of Angola if he won.
The third group - UNITA (National Front for the Total Independence of Angola) - was distinguished by its pro-Western orientation. Each of these groups had certain support in society and a different social base. These groups did not even try to make peace and unite, because each of the parties envisioned too different ways of fighting the colonists, and most importantly, the further development of the country. It was these contradictions that led to the outbreak of hostilities in 1975.
Beginning of the war
The war in Angola began on September 25, 1975. It’s not for nothing that at the beginning of the article we said geographical position countries and mentioned neighbors. On this day, troops entered from Zaire and came out in support of the FNLA. The situation worsened after October 14, 1975, when South African troops entered Angola (from the territory of South African-controlled Namibia). These forces began to support the pro-Western UNITA party. The logic of this political position of South Africa in the Angolan conflict is obvious: there have always been many Portuguese in the leadership of South Africa. The MPLA also initially had outside support. We are talking about the SWAPO army, which defended the independence of Namibia from South Africa.
So, we see that at the end of 1975, in the country we are considering, there were troops of several states at once, which opposed each other. But the civil war in Angola could also be perceived in a broader sense - as a military conflict between several states.
War in Angola: Operation Savannah
What did you do immediately after crossing the border with Angola? That's right - there was active promotion. These battles went down in history as Operation Savannah. South African troops were divided into several strike groups. The success of Operation Savannah was ensured by the surprise and lightning speed of the actions of the Zulus and other units. In a few days they conquered the entire southwest of Angola. The Foxbat group was stationed in the central region.
The army captured the following objects: the cities of Liumbala, Kakulu, Catenge, Benguela airport, several MPLA training camps. The victorious march of these armies continued until November 13, when they occupied the city of Novo Redondo. Also, the Foxbat group won a very difficult battle for bridge No. 14.
The X-Ray group overpowered the Cuban army near the cities of Xanlongo, Luso, captured the Salazar Bridge and stopped the advance of the Cubans towards Cariango.
USSR participation in hostilities
Having analyzed the historical chronicle, we will understand that the inhabitants of the Union practically did not know what the war in Angola was. The USSR never advertised its active participation in the events.
After the introduction of troops from Zaire and South Africa, the leader of the MPLA turned to the USSR and Cuba for military assistance. The leaders of the countries of the socialist camp could not refuse help to the army and the party, which professed socialist ideology. Military conflicts of this kind were to some extent beneficial to the USSR, because the party leadership still did not abandon the idea of exporting the revolution.
Great international assistance was provided to Angola. Officially, it took part in the battles from 1975 to 1979, but in reality our soldiers took part in this conflict until the collapse of the USSR. Official and real data on losses in this conflict differ. The documents of the USSR Ministry of Defense directly indicate that during the war in Angola, our army lost 11 people. Military experts consider this figure to be very underestimated and are inclined to think about more than 100 people.
Fighting in November-December 1975
The war in Angola at its first stage was very bloody. Let's now analyze the main events of this stage. So, several countries sent in their troops. We already know about this. What happens next? from the USSR and Cuba in the form of specialists and equipment, significantly strengthened the MPLA army.
The first serious success of this army took place in the battle of Quifangondo. The opponents were the troops of Zaire and the FNLA. The MPLA army had a strategic advantage at the start of the battle, because the Zairian weapons were very outdated, and the socialist army received new models of military equipment to help from the USSR. On November 11, the FNLA army lost the battle and, by and large, gave up its positions, practically ending the struggle for power in Angola.
The MPLA army had no respite, because at the same time the South African army was advancing (Operation Savannah). Its troops advanced into the interior of the country by approximately 3000-3100 km. The war in Angola did not calm down! A tank battle between MPLA and UNITA forces took place on November 17, 1975 near the city of Gangula. This clash was won by the socialist troops. The successful part of Operation Savannah ended here. After these events, the MPLA army continued its offensive, but the enemy did not give up, and permanent battles took place.
The situation at the front in 1976
Military conflicts continued the following year, 1976. For example, already on January 6, MPLA forces captured an FNLA base in the north of the country. One of the socialists' opponents was actually defeated. Of course, no one thought about ending the war, so they were still waiting for Angola long years disasters. As a result, the FNLA troops, completely disunited, left Angola in about 2 weeks. Left without a fortified camp, they were unable to continue an active campaign.
The MPLA leadership had to solve an equally serious problem further, because regular units of the armies of Zaire and South Africa did not leave Angola. By the way, South Africa has a very interesting position on justifying its military claims in Angola. South African politicians were convinced that the unstable situation in the neighboring country could have Negative consequences and for their state. Which? For example, they were afraid of the intensification of protest movements. These rivals were dealt with until the end of March 1976.
Of course, the MPLA itself with the regular armies of the enemy could not have accomplished this. The main role in pushing opponents beyond the borders of the state belongs to 15,000 Cubans and Soviet military specialists. After this, system and active fighting were not fought for some time because the enemy of UNITA decided to wage a guerrilla war. With this form of confrontation, mostly minor clashes occurred.
Guerrilla stage of the war
After 1976, the nature of the fighting changed slightly. Until 1981, foreign armies did not conduct systematic military operations in Angola. The UNITA organization understood that its forces would not be able to prove their superiority over FALPA (Angolan Army) in open battles. Speaking about the Angolan army, we must understand that these are actually MPLA forces, because the socialist group has officially been in power since 1975. As Agostinho Neto noted, by the way, it’s not for nothing that the Angolan flag is black and red. Red color was most often found on the symbols of socialist states, and black is the color of the African continent.
Clashes 1980-1981
At the end of the 1970s, we can only talk about clashes with UNITA partisan corrals. In 1980-1981 The war in Angola intensified. For example, in the first half of 1980, South African troops invaded Angolan territory more than 500 times. Yes, these were not some kind of strategic operations, but all the same, these acts significantly destabilized the situation in the country. In 1981, the activity of South African troops increased to a full-scale military operation, which was called "Protea" in history books.
Units of the South African army advanced 150-200 km deep into Angolan territory, and there was a question of capturing several settlements. As a result of the offensive and serious defensive actions, more than 800 Angolan soldiers were killed under targeted enemy fire. It is also known for sure (although this is nowhere to be found in official documents) about the death of 9 Soviet servicemen. Until March 1984, hostilities periodically resumed.
Battle of Cuito Cuanavale
A few years later, full-scale war resumed in Angola. The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale (1987-1988) was a very important turning point in the civil conflict. Soldiers took part in this battle People's Army Angola, Cuban and Soviet military - on the one hand; UNITA partisans and the South African army - on the other. This battle ended unsuccessfully for UNITA and South Africa, so they had to flee. At the same time, they blew up a border bridge, making it difficult for the Angolans to possibly pursue their units.
After this battle, serious peace negotiations finally began. Of course, the war continued into the 1990s, but it was the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale that was a turning point in favor of the Angolan forces. Today Angola exists as an independent state and is developing. The flag of Angola speaks of the political orientation of the state today.
Why was it not beneficial for the USSR to officially participate in the war?
As you know, in 1979 the intervention of the USSR army in Afghanistan began. Fulfilling an international duty seemed to be considered necessary and prestigious, but this kind of invasion, interference in the life of another people was not very supported by the people of the USSR and the world community. That is why the Union officially recognized its participation in the Angolan campaign only in the period from 1975 to 1979.
The situation in Angola, which had been fighting for its independence from Portugal since 1961, began to deteriorate again in 1975 in anticipation of the final Portuguese withdrawal. The fact is that there was no unity in the ranks of the Angolan national liberation movement. There were three independent anti-colonial forces operating in the country: the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), led by Agostinho Neto, the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). The situation was complicated by the military intervention of South Africa, which supported UNITA. The USSR and Cuba supported the MPLA, which adheres to Marxist ideas.
In the Angolan conflict, Cuba acted independently and was much more active than the USSR, which for a long time did not recognize the presence of its military specialists in Angola. Cuban military instructors were sent to the Portuguese colony even before the declaration of independence, in the summer of 1975, with the aim of preparing MPLA units for their subsequent reorganization into a regular army. In August 1975, the intervention of South Africa began, which supported UNITA, and in early November Cuba decided to send its regular troops to help the MPLA. According to some reports, this was done without the consent of the USSR. The Cuban military played a decisive role in the battle for Luanda, which culminated in the proclamation of the independent People's Republic of Angola on November 11, 1975 and the coming to power of the MPLA. This was the beginning of Operation Carlotta, which lasted until the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola in 1991. By the beginning of 1976, the military contingent sent by Havana to this African country reached thirty-six thousand people. In total, more than 300 thousand Cuban soldiers took part in the civil war in Angola.
Content:Civil War in Angola (1961-2002)
Angola is a country located in the southwest of the African continent with its capital in the city of Luanda. Angola is a continental state, the western part of which is washed by the waters of the Atlantic Ocean. It borders on the Republic of Congo in the northeast, Zambia in the east, and Namibia in the south. The Angolan province of Cabinda is separated from the rest of the country by a narrow strip of territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC - former Zaire).
The first Europeans to set foot on the lands of modern Angola were the Portuguese. In 1482, a Portuguese expedition discovered the mouth of the Congo River. By the end of the 17th century, all state entities in Angola became colonies of Portugal. Over three centuries of colonial rule, the Portuguese were able to remove about 5 million slaves from the country, mainly to Brazilian plantations. At the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, the final borders of Angola were determined. On territorial issues in Africa, Portugal signed a number of agreements with England, Belgium, Germany and France from 1884 to 1891.
Until the mid-1950s, the anti-colonial movement was fragmented. Individual uprisings broke out, bearing religious and sectarian overtones. The powerful rise of the anti-colonial movement began in the 1960s. It was led by the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA, leader - Agustinho Neto), the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA, leader - Holden Roberto) and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA, leader - Jonas Savimbi) . These movements were organized in 1956, 1962 and 1966 respectively. The MPLA, which advocated the independence of a united Angola, began an armed struggle against the colonial Portuguese authorities in 1960. The FNLA and UNITA were anti-colonial separatist movements based on the Bakongo (FNLA) and Ovimbundu (UNITA) peoples. On February 4, 1961, the FNLA launched an uprising in Luanda. Rebels attack Luanda prison to free leaders national movement. The uprising resulted in some concessions from the colonial authorities. In particular, forced labor was abolished and the powers of local authorities were expanded. In the spring of 1962, the FNLA managed to create the “Provisional Government of Angola in Exile” (GRAE), which was headed by J. Roberto. In 1966, UNITA began its military activities. In 1962-1972, the MPLA managed to create several military-political regions with elected authorities. The UNITA leadership cooperated with the colonial authorities and temporarily stopped the armed struggle.
In 1974, an anti-fascist uprising took place in Portugal, as a result of which the country's new government announced the granting of freedom to all colonies. In January 1975, an agreement was signed between Portugal, on the one hand, and the MPLA, FNLA and UNITA on the other, on the practical transition of Angola to independence. However, armed clashes began between supporters of the MPLA and the FNLA, which did not allow the creation of a transitional government. UNITA also joined the FNLA. Despite everything, the MPLA armed forces managed to oust FNLA and UNITA supporters from Luanda. In October 1975, troops from Zaire and South Africa invaded Angola to support the FNLA and UNITA. On November 11, 1975, the MPLA declared the country's independence. The Independent Republic of Angola was proclaimed, with A. Neto becoming its president. The leading role of the MPLA in the republic was enshrined in the constitution. Through the mediation of the USSR, the new government invited Cuban military units, which helped the MPLA armed forces expel the troops of South Africa and Zaire from Angola in March 1976. Supporters of the FNLA and UNITA continued to resist.
UNITA fighters
At the end of the next year, 1977, the MPLA was transformed into the vanguard party MPLA-Party of Labor (MPLA-PT), and national government the course towards socialism was proclaimed. The country faced a number of difficulties. After the outbreak of the civil war, all the Portuguese left Angola; coffee and cotton plantations fell into disrepair due to the departure of peasants who feared attacks by UNITA militants. In 1979, Jose Eduardo dos Santos replaced the deceased A. Neto to lead the MPLA-PT. UNITA, which continued to provide fierce resistance to the government, began to receive assistance from the United States and Western countries from the late 1970s. Significant territories of Angola in the south and east fell into her hands. UNITA's source of income was diamonds, large deposits of which were located in the territories under its control. At the same time, the main source of income for the MPLA was the export of oil, which was produced in Angola by American companies.
Huge flows of weapons began to enter the country. The troops of South Africa and Zaire fought on the side of UNITA. American advisers also assisted the opposition units in their preparations. Cuban troops fought on the side of the government forces, and MPLA soldiers were trained by Soviet and Cuban specialists. Also, a number of civilian specialists were sent from the USSR to Angola, because Jose Eduardo dos Santos continued his course towards socialism following his predecessor. In addition, the coast of Angola was patrolled by ships of the Soviet Navy. And in the capital of the country, Luanda, there was a logistics support point for Soviet warships and marine units. Among other things, the presence of the Soviet fleet off the coast of Angola had a great influence on the logistical and technical support of the MPLA government forces from the USSR and Cuba. Also soviet ships transported Cuban soldiers to Angola. There was a Soviet airbase in Luanda, from which Tu-95RTs aircraft carried out flights. Material aid the government was also carried out by air. The United States used mainly South Africa and Zaire to assist UNITA opposition troops, from whose territories weapons, ammunition, and food fell into the hands of Sovimbi’s followers.
In 1988, in New York, the NRA, the USSR, South Africa, the USA and Cuba signed an agreement to end South African assistance to UNITA and the withdrawal of Cuban units from Angola. Until 1990, the parties were unable to make peace due to clashes unleashed either by government forces or UNITA. Starting this year, the government party began to be called the MPLA again, changing its course to democratic socialism, a market economy and a multi-party system. After the collapse of the USSR and the end Cold War, the Angolan government, having lost Soviet support, reoriented itself towards the United States. Based on the peace agreements signed in Lisbon in 1991, multi-party elections were held in Angola in the fall of 1992. UNITA, defeated in these elections, resumed the civil war. The hostilities became even more violent than before. In 1994, a truce was concluded in Lusaka. In turn, in the fall of the same year, the UN decided to intervene in the conflict and send a peacekeeping contingent of “blue helmets” to Angola.
The composition of government troops used a large number of Soviet and American weapons. The MPLA also had air force and naval forces. UNITA supporters were armed with tanks, armored fighting vehicles, MLRS, anti-aircraft guns, etc.
In May 1995, UNITA leader J. Sovimbi recognized J.E. dos Santos, the current president of Angola, and noted that opposition leaders are ready to join the future government of national unity. This was due to the change in South African policy after the change in apartheid policy, when the Republic of South Africa helped UNITA. South Africa recognized the current government of Angola and began to provide it with various assistance. In 1999, an arrest warrant was issued for J. Sovimbi, who, according to the Angolan Ministry of Defense, was hiding in Burkina Faso. In 2001, the official Angolan government declared him a war criminal. In 2002, during an operation by government forces, J. Sovimbi was killed. This was confirmed by the leadership of UNITA. After the death of the opposition leader, a truce was declared, and UNITA soldiers were sent to special camps for disarmament. On July 20, the official demobilization ceremony of the opposition armed forces took place. The process of disarmament and integration of UNITA supporters was observed by the “troika of guarantors” - representatives of Portugal, the USA and Russian Federation. Some UNITA units joined the ranks of the government army. However, the situation in the disarmament and integration camps remained difficult for former oppositionists and members of their families. High level deaths due to hunger and disease, mainly among the elderly and children, could push former UNITA members to resume fighting.
In 1958-1974, the USSR supplied equipment and weapons worth $55 million to Angola; Angolan partisans were trained in educational institutions Soviet Union and a number of Warsaw Pact countries.
After Portugal recognized the independence of Angola in January 1975, a struggle for power began between representatives of rebel groups. South Africa and Zaire intervened in the civil war. Cuban units began to be deployed to help the MPLA - a total of 22 infantry and armored brigades numbering up to 40 thousand people. According to some reports, Cuba intervened in the conflict without the sanction of the USSR.
In August 1975, a massive offensive by opponents of the MPLA began: FNLA formations were approaching Luanda from the north with the support of units of the regular Zairian army and foreign mercenaries, and armored units of South Africa, with which UNITA units were moving, were advancing from the south. In October, fierce battles began for the capital of Angola with the use of heavy weapons.
The first group of Soviet military specialists - about 40 people under the command of Colonel Vasily Trofimenko - arrived in Luanda through the Congo on November 16, 1975. It included specialists in the use of various military equipment, including Strela-2 man-portable anti-aircraft missile systems, signalmen and military translators.
In addition, they arrived on the shores of Angola warships USSR Navy, including large landing ships with marine units.
Several have been created in Luanda training centers for training MPLA fighters.
Transport ships and planes transferred 320 tanks, 300 armored vehicles, 22 aircraft, helicopters, artillery systems, small arms and ammunition to Angola in early 1976. The number of Soviet specialists increased to 344 people, including 58 special forces soldiers. Soon, a mixed air division arrived from the USSR - 120 combat and transport aircraft and helicopters with pilots, crews and maintenance personnel.
By the end of March 1976, MPLA units and Cuban troops, with the support of Soviet military advisers, drove South African and UNITA troops back to their original positions. The main strategic settlements and communications. In April, the South African contingent was withdrawn from the country.
However, the operations carried out in the summer and autumn of 1976 with the aim of completely destroying the UNITA partisans did not produce the expected result. The civil war continued, UNITA groups (about 10 thousand people) were active in the central and eastern regions of the republic with support from South Africa. In addition, the country's aircraft continued to carry out raids into Angola.
In the 1980s, rebels and South African army units launched several offensives. According to unconfirmed reports, during one of these breakthroughs, a landing of Soviet marines (dressed in the uniform of MPLA troops) was landed in a fortified area in the rear of UNITA. Thanks to this, the opposition's offensive was thwarted.
The Soviet military mission was in Angola until 1991, and then was closed due to political reasons. That same year, the Cuban army also left the country. The civil war in Angola continues to this day. Active hostilities ceased for some time after the signing of a peace agreement between the Angolan government and UNITA on November 20, 1994, but then resumed again.
In total, from 1975 to 1991, 10,985 Soviet military personnel visited Angola. USSR losses amounted to 54 dead, ten wounded and one prisoner (according to other sources, three people were captured). The losses of the Cuban side amounted to about 1000 dead.
Thanks to its intervention in the conflict, the USSR in the 70-90s was able to place in Angola naval base(logistical support point) of the Atlantic squadron and three radar stations for illuminating the situation in the South Atlantic. Marine units were stationed here to guard these facilities.
The USSR helped MPLA Chairman Jose Eduardo dos Santos stay in power for many years